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THE 



American Anthropologist. 



FUBUSHBD UNDBR THB AUSFIOBS OF THB 



ANTHfiOPOLOGICIlL SOCIETY OF WIISHIIIGtON. 




VOLUME III. 




WASHINGTON, D. C: 

JUDD & DETWEILER, PRINTERS. 

1890. 



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CONTENTS OF THE VOLUME. 



Paok. 

1. A Quarry Workshop of the Flaked-Stone Implement Makers in the 

District of Columbia. By W. H. Holmes — i 

2. Anthropology in Paris during the Exposition of 1889. By 0ns T. 

Mason 27 

3. Notes on Counting and Measuring among the Eskimo of Point Barrow. 

By John Murdoch 37 

4. A New Linguistic Family in California. By H. W. Hbnshaw 45 

5. The Thunder-Bird Amount the Algonkins. By A. F. Chamberlain. 51 

6. Vesper Hours of the Stone Age. By John G. Bourke 55 

7. The Fight with the Giant Witch. By Garrick Mallery 65 

8. Omaha Clothing and Personal Ornaments. By J. Owen Dorsey 71 

9. The Cherokee Ball Play. By James Mooney Jos'* 

10. Remarks on Ojibwa Ball Play. By W. J. Hoffman 133 

11. On the Evolution of Ornament — ^An American Lesson. By W. H. 

Holmes 137 

12. Climatic Influences in Primitive Architecture. By Barr Ferree 147 

13. The Olecranon Perforation. By D. S. Lamb .: 159 

14. Customs of Courtesy. By Garrick Mallery 201 

15. A West Virginia Rock-Shelter. By W. H. Holmes... 217 

16. A Zufli Foot-Race. By F. Webb Hodge 227 

17. The History of the «' Throwing-Stick " which drifted from Alaska to 

Greenland. By John Murdoch . 233 

18. Notes on Indian Child-Language. By A. F. Chamberlain -.. 237 

19. Mythology of the Menomoni Indians. By W. J. Hoffman 243 

20. Notes on the Cosumnes Tribes of California. By James Mooney 259 

21. Indian Personal Names. By J. Owen Dorsey 263 

22. Stone Monuments in Northwestern Iowa and Southwestern Minnesota. 

ByT. H. Lewis 269 

23. The Ascent of Man. By Frank Baker — _ 297 

24. Excavations in an Ancient Soapstone Quarry in the District of Colum- 

bia. By W. H. Holmes 321 

iii 



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IV CONTENTS. 

Paoi. 

25. Writing Materials and Books Among the Ancient Romans. By A. P. 

Montague 331 

26. Indian Origin oT Maple Sugar. By H. W. Henshaw... 341 

27. On the Nishinam Game of " Ha" and the Boston Game of " Props." 

By R. E. C. Stearns - > 353 

28. Aboriginal Fire-Making. By Walter Hough 359 / 

' MISCELLANEA. 

The Potomac valley as an archaeologic field, 26 ; — The ethnologic affinities of 
the ancient Etruscans, 36 ; — The aboriginal bark-peeler, 43 ; — A very ancient 
tomahawk, 44 ; — Omaha religious practices, 50 ; — Eskimo or Indian ? 50 ; — The 
Tonocotes of South America, 63 ; — Arrow-head making, 64;— Rig Veda Amer- 
icana, 70; — Bibliography of anthropologic literature, 79; — Book notices, 88; — 
The descendants of palaeolithic man in America, 100; — Mound exploration in 
Georgia, 102; — Os Incae, 104; — The Powhatan Indians, 132; — Notes on the 
names of the heavenly bodies and the poyits of the compass among the Poi nt 
Barrow Eskimo, 136; — Brasilian Indians, 158; — Polynesian language, 174; — 
Bibliography of anthropologic literature, 175; — Book notices, 184; — Prehistoric 
man in America, 198 j^ Archaeologic discovery in IdahOt 200; — Danish inves- 
tigations in GreenlaL i876-*88, 216; — Recent work in the quarry workshops 
of the District of «mbia, 224 ; — Ethnology of West Africa, 225 ; — L* Anthro- 
pologic, 231 ; — Dt I Hans Hendrik, 232 ; — The Andamans and Andamanese, 
23$; — Publications relating to Paris Exposition, 241 ;— The *«whizzing-stick " 
or " bull-roarer '* on the west coast of Africa, 258 ; — The Greenlanders, 262 ; — 
Mutilation of the teeth among the Wanyamurzi, 274 ; — Bibliography of anthro- 
pologic literature, 275 ; — Book notices, 283 ; — Iroquoian mythologic notes, 290 ; 
— A collection of stone implements from the District of Columbia, 291 ; — Drum- 
telegraph of the Cameroon natives, 292; — A modification of Broca's stereograph, 
292 ; — Primitive games, 293 ; — Sacred stone enclosure of the Fijians, 294 ; — 
Elephant mound, 294 ; — Extern New Guinea, 295 ; — Language of the Mosetena 
Indians of Bolivia, 295 ; — West African music, 295 ; — The Wanyamurzi, 296 ; — 
The American Indians, 296; — Maya manuscripts, 296; — "Gens" and "sub. 
gens," as ei^ressed in four Siouan languages, 320 ;— The inhabitants of Bismarck 
archipelago, 340 ; — ^Jiviya Starin&, 351; — A fetish-town in Togoland, 352; — 
Secret societies among the coast Indians of British Columbia and Alaska, 352 ; — 
Native races of the Philippine islands, 358 ; — Cannibalism in New Ireland, 37 1 ; 
. — Customs and beliefs of the tribes of South Africa, 372; — Bushman art, 
372 ; — " Exogamy " in New Britain, 372 ; — Bibliography of anthropologic litera- 
ture, 373; — Book notices, 380; — American Association for the Advancement of 
Science, 385 ; — Oriental customs of courtesy, 387; — Iroquois superstitions, 388. 



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THE 



American Anthropologist. 

Vol. III. WASHINGTON, D. C, JANUARY, 1890. No. i. 



AQUARRT WORKSHOP OF THE FLAKED-8TONB IMPLE- 
MENT MAKERS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.* 

BY W. H. HOLMES. 

In this paper I desire to present a brief account of recent archae- 
ological investigations in the* suburbs of the city of Washington. 
The work is yet incomplete, but as winter has put an end to oper- 
ations in the field it is deemed best that the results thus far ob- 
tained should be brought to the attention of archaeologists. 

Heretofore I have taken little part in the d* ':ussion of questions 
pertaining to local archaeology, as the evidence. T^esen ted did not 
seem to be conclusive in any direction. The ^ent exploration 
has been undertaken, therefore, without preconceived notions of 
what the results should be, and the conclusions are based almost en- 
tirely upon facts and arguments pertaining to and derived from my 
own investigation. Some conclusions of importance have been defi- 
nitely reached and numerous questions have been answered. Some 
of the results were unexpected and some may at first seem a little 
startling, but I am happy to say that every tendency has been toward 
the simplification of what was in many respects a most perplexing 
problem. 

THE RELICS. • 

From time to time during the past decade the attention of archae- 
ologists has been called to a class of rudely worked stones found in 
great numbers in the vicinity of this city. They are all shaped ex- 
clusively by chipping, and are of forms usually classed as palaeo- 
lithic, the best-known variety being the so-called "turtle-back;'' 
but other forms of less striking character, although more highly 
elaborated and interesting, are almost equally numerous. 

* Read before the Society Nov. 16, 1889. 



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2 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. Ill- 

So numerous, indeed, are these objects in certain localities that 
they are brought in with every load of gravel from the creek beds, 
and the laborer who sits by the way-side breaking bowlders for our 
streets each year passes them by thousands beneath his hammer ; and 
it is literally true that this city, the capital of a civilized nation, 
is paved with the art remains of a race who occupied its site in the 
shadowy past, and whose identity until now has been wholly a matter 
of conjecture. 

PREVIOUS STUDY. 

The first discussion of these objects within my memory occurred 
at a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington in the 
winter of 1878. A paper upon the turtle-backs was read by Dr.W. 
J. Hoffman, in which their character, manner of occurrence, age, 
and relations to the Abbott finds of New Jersey were discussed. 
Later Mr. S. V. Proudfit engaged in the collection and study of 
these forms, and in 1888 published a short paper relating thereto in 
the journal of this society. On his return from a long sojourn in 
Europe in 1887 Mr. Thomas Wilson took the subject up afresh, and 
has since published short papers upon the general subject of palaeo- 
lithic man in America, in which allusion is made to the local finds. 
The most direct and thorough treatment of the subject occurred at 
a meeting of the Anthropological Society held in the month of April, 
1889. In the symposial discussionof the archaeology of the District 
of Columbia, three papers, by W J McGee, Thomas Wilson, and 
S. V. Proudfit, respectively, bore directly upon these rude objects ; 
but up to the present time no one has essayed more than to study 
the surface finds, and therefore comparatively little was known of 
the true character and history of the chipped implements of the re- 
gion. 

SURFACE DISTRIBUTION OF RELICS. 

The objects in question are somewhat sparingly scattered over the 
surface of the country, and ate found to some extent upon ancient 
village sites along the Potomac and its tributaries ; but the main de- 
posits, as shown by recent discoveries, occur along the steep faces 
of the great terraces that surround the city. To these spots the an- 
cient inhabitants resorted to collect the cobble-stones there<JUtcrop- 
ping and to chip them into desired shapes, and it is to these sites — 
the ancient workshops — that we must look for light to illumine some 
of the obscure features of archaeologic science. 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 3 

BEGINNING OF THE WORK. 

In July, 1889, at the instance of the Director of the Geological 
Survey, I resigned my pkce in that organization to accept a place 
as archaeologist, under the same direction, in the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy. It was intended that in the near future I should begin archae- 
ological investigations along the Atlantic coast, and I resolved to 
commence work at home — literally at home — for the nearest site in 
which these rude implements are found, and one of the most prom- 
ising sites for archaeologic research in the United States, was only 
one and a quarter miles from my own doorstep in this city. 

But, aside from the convenience of the locality, there were other 
good reasons for beginning the work here. The relics found have 
a direct bearing upon questions of the early occupation of this coun- 
try — an occupation believed by many to have preceded that of the 
Indian. These questions are of the utmost importance and de- 
mand the fullest and closest attention, since their study necessarily 
precedes and introduces the disc?ussion of the general archaeology of 
the Atlantic slope ; but, further, these deposits of artificial refuse 
being of great extent and of unknown depth, the undertaking, to be 
carried out systematically and thoroughly, involved very considerable 
expense and seemed beyond the reach of private means. 

The site chosen is representative of a class, and will serve in a 
measure as a key to all. Other localities may present different phe- 
nomena and possibly conflicting testimony, and their examination 
may lead to changes in some of the conclusions drawn from the 
study of this example; but the lessons here taught are for the most 
part complete in themselves, and the work as a whole will constitute 
a nucleus of well-ascertained fact, about which other units of like 
character will gradually accumulate. The work derives its chief im- 
portance from the fact that it is the first exploration in this section 
of a well-identified quarry workshop of the ancient flaked -stone tool- 
makers. 

LOCALITY. 

In passing out of the city by way of Fourteenth street extended, a 
picturesquely located bridge is crossed at a point one and a third 
miles from Boundary street. The little stream spanned by this 
bridge is known as Piny Branch and falls into Rock creek at a little 
more than half a mile below the bridge. 

Arrived at the bridge, we are already within the limits of the im- 



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4 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

plement-bearing area, and the rude objects may be picked up on all 
sides — in the lanes that lead up through the forest-skirted farm of 
Mr. Blagden, in the beds of all the streams, and upon all the slopes 
north and south of the creek, including an area three-fourths of a 
mile square. 

In this investigation we are particularly concerned in a portion of 
the area on the north side of the creek and just west of the Four- 
teenth-street road. Here the faces of the plateau rise to loo feet 
above the creek bed and 200 feet above tide-water. The slopes are 
precipitous, but generally even and regular, and are covered with 
forest, much of which is primeval. A number of small rivulets de- 
scend from the plateau through deep ravines into the creek. One 
of these, coming down from the north, is seen by the road-side at 
the left, and another, quite obscured from any ordinary point of 
view by the forest, occurs one-fourth of a mile to the west. Be- 
tween these two ravines is a promontory or spur of the plateau with a 
nearly level top 100 yards in width, the steep slopes of which de- 
scend to the rivulets on the east and west and to the creek on the 
south. 

Upon these steep slopes the primitive peoples found the material 
used in implement making, and here they worked, until a mass of 
refuse of astonishing magnitude had accumulated. This is now 
found not only upon the slopes, but in the masses of gravel at the 
base of the slopes and in the flood planes of the valley, even down 
to Rock creek and for an unknown distance along its course. 

DISCOVERY OF SHOP SITES. 

Mr. S. V. Proudfit has in past years explored this locality with 
considerable care, and in the Anthropologist of July, 1889, he de- 
scribes the distribution and character of the relics with accuracy 
and in some detail. 

So far as known, the first discovery of worked stones upon the site 
of my excavations was made by Mr. De Lancey Gill, who was en- 
gaged in sketching upon the bank of the Branch, and by chance ob- 
served an implement in the gravel at his feet. Subsequently he 
came upon a number of heaps of shop refuse in the western ravine 
at the point now cut by my section. 

In September, 1889, I visited Mr. Blagden, owner of the prop- 
erty, to obtain permission to work upon the premises, and learned 
from him that about the year 1878 a street contractor had been 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 5 

pennitted to collect material for paving from these grounds, and 
that the piles of refuse found by us were gathered together at that 
time, a portion only of the heaps collected having been carted away. 
At that time a narrow roadway was cut leading from the creek up 
the little* ravine to the site of our recent labors. Mr. Blagden subse- 
quently informed me that when yet a boy, some twenty-five years ago, 
he had observed the great quantities of bowlders at this point, and, de- 
siring to know something of the reasons for their accumulation, had 
secured help to dig a trench, which was abandoned, however, before 
the bed of bowlder refuse was penetrated. I have no doubt that the 
evidences of former excavation discovered at the fiftieth foot of my 
section, and which caused me no little perplexity at the time, is thus 
fully explained. 

SURFACE INDICATIONS OF QUARRY SITES. 

In beginning the examination of this site my first step was to ob- 
serve carefully its topographic features, with especial reference to 
such eccentricities of contour as might be due to the agency of 
man. 

Extensive working over of debris, especially if associated with 
quarrying, would leave inequalities of surface which, if not after- 
wards obliterated or greatly reduced by natural forces, would be 
easily recognized as artificial. Such inequalities were readily found, 
and so well defined are they that even the casual observer could not 
fail to detect them. It was partly on account of peculiarities of pro- 
file that excavations were undertaken at the spot selected, and the 
results have shown that these surface indications were not deceptive. 

The higher up the gulch we go the more pronounced are the ele- 
vations and depressions resulting from the ancient work. Either 
the disturbances here are more recent than below or the leveling 
agencies of nature have been less active. 

THE EXCAVATION. 

I shall not attempt in this place to give a detailed account of the 
geologic formations of the region, nor shall I refer to the methods 
of exploration and the interesting but tedious details of excavation. 
A brief review of those members of the geologic section most inti- 
mately associated with the work of man will be sufficient for pres- 
ent purposes, and the diagram here presented, Plate I, will assist in 
making all my statements clear. The three formations involved are. 



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6 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

first, the mica schists, A, which underhe the whole region and form 
the bed-rock of the Piny Branch bluff up to within perhaps forty 
feet of the summit. Second, the sedimentary gravels, sands, clays, 
and bowlder beds, B, lying horizontally upon the schists and form- 
ing the bed-rock of the upper forty feet of the slopes. These be- 
long to the Potomac formation of Mr. McGee and are of Mesozoic 
age. Third, the over-placed cloak of soil and gravel, C, derived 
from the above fundamental formations and completely covering 
them. It is with these latter beds that the student of human history 
is chiefly concerned. At the point cut by the section. these gravels 
are separable into three important but not always clearly definable 
groups, which may be designated as follows : ist, the pre-artificial, 
O; 2d, the artificial and inter-artificial, C; 3d, the post-arti- 
ficial, C». 

The pre-artificial gravels, C^ consist of detritus derived from the 
outcropping edges of the underlying formations and spread over the 
surface before this site was occupied. These are therefore fi-ee from 
artificial remains. 

The artificial deposits, C, consist of beds and masses of debris ob- 
tained from surface gravels and from the Potomac beds beneath by 
men quarrying for bowlders, the raw material used in the manufact- 
lure of stone implements. These masses of refuse, worked over 
and rearranged by the hand of man, alternate in a rude way with ■ 
layers of material that appear to have been redistributed to a cer- 
tain extent by natural forces during intervals separating seasons or 
periods of human activity. 

The post-artificial deposits, C, consist of surface detritus rearranged 
by natural forces anterior to the period of human occupation, and 
consist of gravel, loam, shop refuse, and vegetable mold. They form 
but a thin sheet, save in the flood plain of the rivule't, where they 
have accumulated in places to eight or ten feet in thickness. They 
contain numerous relics from the workshops throughout the large 
area examined, and upon the middle part of the slope cut by my 
section the relics and shop refuse are amazingly prevalent, forming, 
perhaps, one-fourth of the entire mass. 

Now at the point cut by this section small portions only of the 
pre-artificial-slope gravels remain in their normal condition. The 
principal parts remaining are near the lower and upper ends of the 
cutting, where the ancient workman left them undisturbed. Other 
small portions probably remain upon the uneven edges of the schists 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 7 

and upon the mesozoic beds at points where the cobble-diggers did 
not wholly penetrate them. We have no means of determining with 
precision the original thickness of this deposit at points where arti- 
ficial disturbance has taken place. The condition of the remnants 
above and below indicate that the surface, when man first appeardl 
to gather cobbles, was not greatly different from that of the present 
day. Additional reasons for this conclusion may be given : First, 
there can have been little reduction of the mass of the hill, because 
the artificial formations remain upon the slope, and that so com- 
pletely that evidences of heaping up and excavation are not wholly 
obliterated ; and, second, there is no possible way of elevating the 
profile by natural means, since there is but a meager mass of mate- 
rial above to draw from ; besides, if filling had occurred, the artifi- 
cial profile would have been obliterated as surely as by degradation. 

Adopting the assumption, therefore, that the profile of the hill and 
the general relations of the principal members. A, B, C, of the sec- 
tion were the same when man first appeared as they are now, let 
us briefly note the work accomplished by his hands : Throughout 
all the unnumbered years that have elapsed since this little valley 
was definitely outlined, the formations of the upper slopes, in- 
cluding the bowlder beds, have been disintegrating and sliding or 
rolling down toward the rivulet. My examination has shown that 
the bowlders lodged in numbers at all levels, and thus became im- 
bedded in the slope gravek ; but it is probable that the bowlders 
were more numerous than elsewhere below and near the immediate 
base of the outcrop from which they were derived — that is to say, 
about midway in the slope. Howsoever this may be, it now appears 
that the bowlder-hunter has worked over this part of the slope, and 
that millions of worked stones and unshaped fragments now occupy 
the site. 

In cutting the section from below, the first positive evidence of an- 
cient excavation was encountered at about the twenty-fifth foot, and 
from this to the fortieth foot this work had reached five feet in depth 
beneath the present surface. At the fiftieth foot it had reached five 
and one-half feet, and at the sixtieth foot it was six feet deep and 
had penetrated the gravefe and the Potomac beds beneath to within 
one foot of the underlying mica schist. At the seventieth foot the 
overlying formations had been entirely penetrated, and the ancient 
workman stood upon the mica schist, nine feet below the surface, 
and there shaped his rude stone tools. At the seventy-ninth foot 



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8 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

we encountered the face of the Potomac bowlder bed, an uneven 
wall some ten feet in height, composed of ovoid quartzite bowlders, 
many of which are wonderfully adapted to the hand of the stone-age 
tool-maker. They are firmly imbedded in a matrix of argillaceous 
sand. Here was the quarry face of the ancient miner. Facing a 
wall like this, he was in a position to supply the whole ancient world 
with the raw material for one of its most important arts. 

Now the analysis of the phenomena here encountered has been 
made with the utmost care, and I have called upon our foremost 
scientists to witness every feature of interest.* First in importance 
are the evidences of deep quarrying.. In the vertical walls of our 
excavation the sloping sides of the ancient pits are clearly defined 
by layers of differently colored earths, and the beds and masses of 
refuse from the workman's hands are not changed in their relations 
and hardly changed in their appearance since the day they were de- 
posited. Masses of shop refuse were encountered at every step of the 
excavation and had the appearance of pockets, as shown in the sec- 
tion, Plate II, which represents the front wall of the trench at the 
seventy-fifth foot. 

The lower pocket of refuse shown in this section was eight feet be- 
low the surface and rested almost upon the surface of the schists. It 
had been thrown against one side of the pit-bottom, and was upward 
of two feet in depth. It consisted of bowlders, whole and broken, 
and fragments in all stages of manufacture, including numerous well- 
shaped forms and many chips. 

A remarkable feature of this pocket of shop refuse was the openness 
of its interspaces. Animals as large as rats could have entered the 
openings and meandered the subterranean passages with ease. This 
feature is well shown in Plate III. Upon this loose heap of debris 
irregular layers of earth and and gravel containing a few bowlders' 
were superimposed, and upon these again another bed of artificial 
refuse, of great extent and thickness, had been thrown. The posi- 
tion and nature of this bed is shown in the middle part of the sec- 
tion. Here both rude and well-shaped relics of art were' very 
numerous, and flakes and fragments were innumerable. The walls 
of the pit in which they accumulated are oiearly defined to a height 
of six feet. 

* Mr. W J McGee took exceptional interest in the work and his advice and 
assistance have been of the greatest service. It is gratifying to be assured of his 
concurrence in my conclusions regarding the quarries and quarry products. 



Digiti: 



izediby Google 






9«. 







y/^/yy2/if///y A. 



Mip^ Schist., 



Ik::^ Schist. 

Google 



Plate II.— Front wall of excavation at 77lh foot, 



i>..,; 



' ^ i '' 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 9 

./ 
Over this and extending to the surface are two or three feet of 

heterogenous deposits, consisting of coarse and fine gravels well 
stocked with all forms of artificial refuse. The upper part of these 
beds belongs to what I have called the post-artificial deposits as ap- 
parently they have been rearranged by natural means. The line 
separating the distinctly artificial from the rearranged or natural is 
too indefinite to be fully made out. It is generally not far from the 
bottom of the vegetable mold, which varies from two to fifteen inches 
in thickness, save where pits existed at the time of abandonment, 
where it is necessarily deeper. 

The magnitude of the work accomplished by the ancient miners 
will be realized when it is stated that my trench crossed a belt of 
worked material fifty-five feet wide and, on an average, upwards of 
six feet deep, and that this belt extends horizontally along the bluff 
for an unknown distance. Judging by surface indications, it may 
extend half a mile or more. 

The work of excavation does not seem to have begun at the lower 
edge of the worked belt next the stream and to have been carried 
up the slope and against the face of the bowlder outcrop, but to have 
been carried along the slope from right to left, the gravel having 
been worked backward and downward as the pits advanced, filling 
up, to a great extent, the earlier excavations. 
V As to the ancient methods of excavating the pits and moving the 
material we have learned but little. No remnants or trace of tools 
have been found. Wooden utensils, such as a primitive people might 
devise, would have served to loosen the bowlders and remove the 
earth and refuse. Stone tools would hardly have been employed, as 
it would be folly to jeopardize finished stone implements in the 
rough work of quarrying and fracturing bowlders. 

The conditions seen at this point and recorded in the sections are 
representative of the whole site, so far as examined, and I need not 
here go into greater detail. 

ART PRODUCTS. 

We pass naturally from a study of the general features and phe- 
nomena of the factory site to an examination of the articles manu- 
factured — to a consideration of the origin, development, and destiny 
of the stone implements produced. I wish here to call especial at- 
tention to the fact that perhaps never before has such an opportunity 
to study these latter points been presented to an American archae- 



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10 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

ologist. Heretofore we have been called upon to lament both the 
raeagemess of our material and the incomplete character of the evi- 
dence concerning it. In the present case there is an abundance of 
material and a completeness and clearness of evidence that leaves ' 
nothing to be desired. 

From a trench three feet wide and fifty feet long cut through the 
artificial deposits of this slope I have obtained nearly two thousand 
worked stones, all exhibiting design, and have examined a thousand 
cubic feet of material, all or nearly all of which had been worked 
over by the ancient- quarryman, and fully one-tenth of which con- 
sisted of artificial fragments. 

If other parts of this promontory face are as well supplied with 
artificial products as this one — ^and the indications are that such is 
the case — ^we can safely estimate that the site contains over a million 
finished, unfinished, and broken implements. 

Of almost equal importance is the fact that this is an undisturbed 
quarry workshop which contains in one form or another multitudes of 
examples of each and every form made, as well as all the tools used 
in the making, and as it is not on a village site, and probably far 
from one, it is wholly free firom domestic refuse and from all other 
exotic products. 

The unexampled simplicity of the conditions is further empha- 
sized by the fact that but one material — and that in one form — was 
used, and still more, that but one kind of machinery and one pro- 
cess were employed in all this great factory ; and, furthermore, I 
may add, in advance of proofs which are forthcoming, there was 
but one period of work, and that by one race, whose clever artists 
had in mind, so far as this shop was concerned, but one ideal. The 
value and importance of this simplicity of condition will become 
more and more apparent as we advance in the investigation. 

The material quarried and used was quartzite, a flinty sandstone. 
It was in the form of small ovoid bowlders worn down by the action 
of water. These bowlders were worked into desired shapes by the 
artist, and the tools he had to work with were also bowlders identi- 
cal in every way with those worked ; and of prime importance in 
this discussion is the additional fact that the process employed was 
exclusively fracture by free-hand percussion, the act being a quick, 
firm stroke, regulated in force by the nature of the resistance to be 
overcome and by the result desired. I have found absolutely no trace 
of other kind of procedure. /^ 



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Plate IIK— Portion of froiil vfa]] o( c!tcav;ilion ul tbe 44fh foot. Upper tine o£ picture 2] tct-J 






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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 11 

The bold but unsymmetric outline of the tool, the haphazard ar- 
rangement of the strokes, and the width and irregularity of the flakes 
unite to preclude the idea that any process capable of adjusting the 
point of contact between the tool used and the article shaped could 
have been employed. 

The first step in the classification and study of these implements, 
finished and unfinished, is to separate them carefully from the refuse. 
The line must be drawn, not between specimens showing evidences 
of work and those showing no evidence of work — for if this were 
done we would have to discuss a hundred tons of material — but be- 
tween relics that bear evidence of design and those which do not. 
^^Many broken stones and flaked fragments and all chips show indis- 
putable evidence of work, but their shape is not the result of de- 
sign. A case in point is the stone from which flakes have been taken 
to be themselves shaped into tools. Such a stone, usually called a 
core, has a faceted appearaiice, suggesting design, but in itself it is 
^ot the result of design. Again, a flake or fragment broken from a 
tool already worked over will retain upon its outer surface a number 
of the facets of that tool, and thus to the careless observer it bears 
the appearance of having been itself subjected to the shaping pro- 
cess. 

With these distinctions in mind, the archaeologist has but little 
trouble in recognizing and separating all classes of products, and 
the uninitiated with a little careful study may readily learn to do the 
same. 

Having handled the products of this shop constantly for a period 
of several weeks, I have familiarized myself with every variety of form 
and shade of contour, and do not feel the least hesitation in pre- 
senting the results of my selection and classification. 

In Plate IV is presented a series of worked stones taken from this 
site, which represents every variety of product and epitomizes the 
entire range of form. Beginning with the bowlder a, from which 
two chips have been taken, we pass through successive degrees of 
elaboration, reaching final forms in k, /, m, long leaf-shaped blades. 
Profiles of the type specimens are placed at the right. These illus- 
trations are one-half actual size and are far from satisfactory, as it is 
extremely difficult to secure good photographs of objects whose pre- 
vailing colors are greenish and browijish grays. 

If it be asked how I know that this series is complete, I answer 
that quartzite, the material used, although so firm and indestructible, 



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12 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

is at the same time brittle. It is impossible to shape from it flaked 
tools, howsoever simple, and succeed in every case. Some — ^I may 
safely say many — are necessarily broken, and the discarded rem- 
nants tell the story. A careful study of every shade of form shows 
that more are broken than remain in the workshop entire, and I 
may add that had every entire flaked tool been taken from the spot 
the record would remain, and with a certainty that is absolute. 

Referring again to this series, we see that the process of manufact- 
lure and the steps of development are essentially as follows : 

Grasping a bowlder in either hand, the first step was to strike the 
edge of one against that of the other at the proper angle to detach 
a flake. The second step and the third were the same, and so on 
until the circuit was completed. If no false step was made and the 
stone had the right fracture, these few strokes, occupying but as 
many seconds, gave as a result a typical turtle-back — a bowlder with 
one side faceted by artificial flaking — the other side, save through 
accident, remaining smooth. If the removal of a single row of 
flakes was not satisfactory, the work was continued until the availa- 
bility of the stone for further elaboration was properly tested. This 
completed the first stage of the manipulation. A type profile is 
illustrated in «. 

If the results thus far were satisfactory the stone was turned in the 
hand, and by a second series of blows the remaining smooth side 
was flaked away, and the result was a two-faced stone or double tur- 
tle-back. With, perhaps, a few additional strong strokes the rough 
stone began to assume the outlines of the final form, and the second 
stage was soon completed, a type profile being seen in o. If at this 
stage, and I may say if at any preceding stage, the stone devel- 
oped defects or unmanageable features — such as too great thickness, 
crookedness, or humps that could not be removed — it was thrown 
away and thus became part of the refuse ; and it would appear that 
all the entire specimens collected belonging to these two stages, since 
they were taken by us from the refuse, did develop some of these 
failings, and the same may be said of their 500,000 brothers and 
sisters. / 

If, however, the form developed properly, the work was continued 
into what I have called for convenience the third stage. It con- 
sisted in going over both sides a second and perhaps a third time, 
securing, by the use of small hammers and by deft and careful blows 
upon the edges, a rude but symmetrical blade. A profile is given 



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Notes on Plate IV. 

In this plate is presented a series of forms epitomizing the quarry 
workshop rejects and indicative of successive steps in the manufacture 
of implements. The scale is about one-half nature. Flakes and 
other fragments not exhibiting design are excluded. 
. a. Bowlder with two flakes removed ; probably, rejected because 
of coarse grain and difficult fracture. This bowlder, which is four 
and one-half inches long, three and one-half inches wide, and nearly 
two inches thick, is of typical shape and of nearly average size. The 
largest worked specimens are about one foot in length and the 
smallest not above an inch. Such extremes are rare. 

by c, //. Specimens worked on one side only and probably re- 
jected on account of perverse fracture or excessive thickness. A 
profile is shown in n, 

e, A few flakes removed from the back ; fracture perverse. 

/, g. Carefully worked on both sides, but still excessively thick, 
hence the rejection. 

h. Broken by a stroke intended to remove a prominent hump. 
Profile shown in o. 

/. Neat in shape but with a high ridge or hump on the back 
which many strokes have failed to remove. This piece could as 
well be classed with the second group as there is no very definite 
line between it and the third group. 

y. Unsym metric broken blade. 

k, /, m. Thin, neat, broken blades. These must have been very 
near completion, so far as free hand percussion was concerned, as 
they are neatly flaked over the whole surface and are quite attenu- J 

ated. That they were unfinished is* indicated by the fact that they ^ 

were broken while still under treatment. Their thickness is indi- k 

cated in/. j 

To the first and second stages of manufacture belong many very f 

rude, irregular, and broken forms that could not be represented in [ 

this series. i 

The last specimen of the series, yw, is perhaps the most advanced t 

form found, but that is was not finished is clear not only from the fact • 

that is was broken by a strong blow while still under treatment but 
from the unfinished character of the point and iX)rtions of the edge. 

It is highly improbable that we have in the whole series of pro- 
ducts of the quarry, here epitomized, any finished tool, either whole 
or represented by firagments. This should not be regarded as an 
opinion merely ; it is a conclusion based upon evidence that cannot 
be lightly treated by the scientific investigator. 



% 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 13 

in /. If, even at this stage of advancement, it was vitally defective, it 
was either broken in the attempt to correct the defect or was thrown 
into the heap as useless. 

Four broken specimens that approach very closely the quarry- 
shop ideal are shown in/, k, /, and m. No good example of this class 
was found entire, and illustrations had to be selected from the broken 
specimens, both halves of which happened to be recovered, or from 
single halves. In nearly all cases such specimens have a broad end 
and a pointed one, and these features were generally foreshadowed 
in the first stages of manufacture, and were kept in view throughout 
the progress of the work. These blades vary from two to five inches 
in length, and are generally under two inches in width and less than 
one-half an inch in thickness. It was requisite that they should be 
straight and symmetrical, and that the edges should have a bevel as 
slight as consistent with needful strength. Only one piece was found 
that had been carried beyond this stage, a rude stem having been 
worked out at the broad end. This specimen was found near the 
surface. Two other pieces, found at considerable depths, exhibit 
slight indications of specialization of form, which, however, might 
have been accidental. 

And now, having followed the process to the end, I wish to call 
especial attention to the fact, if my view be correct, that when this 
thin blade was realized the work of this shop and the only work of 
this shop, so far as shaping is concerned, was ended. The process 
and the machinery had accomplished all that was asked of them and 
all that they were capable of accomplishing. The neat, but withal 
rude, blades, and they only, were carried away, and that to destinies 
that we may yet reveal. Further work, additional shaping, if such 
there was, employed other processes and was carried on in other 
fields. 

The course of procedure just described I have investigated in the 
most careful manner, and by experiment have followed every step 
of the process, and have achieved almost every result. I have found 
that in reaching one final form I have left many failures by the way, 
and that these failures duplicate, and in proper proportions, all the 
forms found upon the site. 

I further find by these experiments, and the fact is a most impor- 
tant one, that every implement resembling the final f6rm here de- 
scribed made from a bowlder or similar bit of rock must pass through 
the same or much the same stages of development, whether shaped 



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14 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

to-day, yesterday, or a million years ago ; whether in the hands of 
the civilized, the barbarian, or the savage man. 

Now with these facts clearly in mind, it seems almost superfluous 
to expend additional words in showing that all forms found in the 
workshop other than the thin blades accidentally lost are mere waste ; 
but in a matter having so important a bearing upon the very founda- 
tions of our study of primitive archaeology no point should seem to 
be slighted. 

It causes me almost a pang of regret at having been forced to the 
conclusion that the familiar turtle-back or one-faced stone, the 
double turtle-back or two-faced stone, together with all similar rude 
shapes, must, so far as this site is concerned, be dropped wholly 
and forever from the category of implements. 

Our utmost effort cannot wring from them a fact or a suggestion 
of value upon any of the great questions of time, race, and culture, 
and it follows that what is true of the rude forms of this particular ' 
locality may be true also of all similar forms found throughout the 
Potomac valley. 

But why should we regret such a conclusion ? If the simple-minded 
savage, who laboriously quarried and shaped these forms, cast them 
at once and without hesitation into the refuse literally, there can 
be no sound reason why we, as searchers after truth, should hesitate 
to do the same thing scientifically. 

I have obtained from this one small spot, less than twenty square 
yards in area, fully i,ooo turtle-backs of the two forms — a, greater 
number than has been collected heretofore in the whole Potomac 
province. And why ? There can be but one answer. This spot 
is a great workshop where tools were shaped or, rather, roughed out, 
and these things are the failures. The soundness of this view is fur- 
ther proved by the fact that these forms are not found carefully de- 
posited in clusters or caches, but are distributed with considerable 
uniformity throughout the mass of refuse from top to bottom and 
from end to end. 

But there is additional confirmatory evidence. I have prepared 
a statement by means of which some important facts will be made 
apparent. In this case the great importance of having at hand a large 
and exhaustive series of the art products of a veritable workshop 
becomes apparent. 

As already seen (see Plate IV), I have divided the shaped forms 
into three classes, which are separable by well-marked steps or stages 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 15 

of manufacture. In the series here presented four are of the first 
stage, four are of the second stage, and the remainder of the third 
stage. It is not convenient to divide the series differently or more 
frequently. 

The relative numbers of these three classes found within the trench 
are given below. Halves in each case are recorded, as they serve to 
point out an important fact. 

Of the first stage there are 380 whole specimens and 460 halves. 

Of the second stage, 250 whole specimens and 320 halves. 

Of the third stage, 12 whole specimens and 380 halves. 

It will be noted that of the whole specimens of the third stage 
there are but twelve representatives, and I may add that these are 
comparatively rude, and with two or three exceptions can as well 
be classed with those of the preceding stage. Practically, therefore, 
there were no examples of the^'successful quarry products left upon 
the ground. All forms available for further shaping or for imme- 
diate use, as the case may be, were carried away as being the entire 
product of the shop, the only reward for the long-continued and 
arduous labor involved in their production. 

Now these three stages do not necessarily represent the full scope 
of the art of the ancient tool-maker, and in this connection it is 
of the greatest importance that we should keep in mind the fact 
that this site is only a quarry workshop, which was naturally not a 
place for finishing tools, but one for roughing out the material and 
selecting that fitted to be carried away for filial finishing. A laborer 
engaged in such work in a pit in the forest would not be likely to 
throw aside the rough hammer used in fracturing cobbles to take up 
and operate an entirely different kind of machinery, involving a dis- 
tinct and delicate process. Being a reasoning and practical creature, 
he would carry away the roughed-out tools, the long, thin blades, 
to be finished at his leisure and by whatsoever method custom had 
placed at his disposal. 

It may be well just here to define with some care the apparent 
limitations of the classes of procedure concerned in the manufacture 
of flaked tools. 

Direct or free-hand percussion is the natural method of reducing 
large amorphous masses to something approximating the special shapes 
reached in the advanced stages of the art. It was probably the only 
method known in very early times ; but this process, even in the 
most skillfiil hands, has its limitations in certain directions. For 



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16 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

example, blows cannot be given with sufficient regularity to secure 
great symmetry of outline and uniformity of flaking ; and, again, 
when implements under treatment become attenuated the sharp blow 
is extremely liable to shatter them. The skill of the artificers being 
equal, these limitations vary with the degree of brittleness and homo- 
geneity of the material used. 

In the case of quartzite, free-hand percussion cannot accomplish 
more than the merest roughing out, as the material is extremely 
fractious ; but it is equally tru6 that by more refined methods as great 
or even greater difficulty in shaping this material would be encoun- 
tered, and the skill of the workman must have been tried to the ut- 
most to carry the manufacture by the first process to a stage where 
the other methods would be operative. It is probable that some 
method employing indirect percussion may have followed that of di- 
rect percussion. ^ By indirect percussion I mean the use of two tools, 
one the hammer and the other the punch, the latter being set upon 
the exact spot to be fractured, thus eliminating the element of un- 
certainty characteristic of the free-hand blow, although at the same 
time losing a large part of the percussive power. 

By the latter method, if not by the first, the rude quarry blades 
could be carried to a degree of symmetry and attenuation that would 
enable the artist to employ to advantage a bit of notched bone or a 
like device, and thus to carry the tool to the highest possible degree 
of specialization and finish. 

At any rate, it is clear that the quarry forms bear no evidence what- 
ever of that regularity and refinement of flaking and that neatness and 
symmetry of form that characterize results by these latter methods. 

And now what of the. probable destiny of the quartzite blades 
that, as we have seen, were graduated from the school of direct or 
free-hand percussion ? Am I correct in the assumption previously 
made that they were carried elsewhere to be finished by more gentle 
methods of manipulation, or were they already finished and ready 
to go into the service of their rude owners? 

There is a wide-spread impression that quartzite tools related to 
this quarry form are not found upon village sites in this vicinity, 
and that they are not generally distributed over the hills and val- 
leys ; but I find upon examination that this assumption is entirely 
without foundation, and that not only this form, but all others 
ranging from it down through the specialized and minute forms, oc- 
cur in many places and in great numbers. 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 17 

But I must add that to a limited extent the rude forms — the tur- . 
tie-back and its near relatives — ^are also found widely scattered over 
the Potomac valley outside of the shops in the hills. This would 
seem to conflict with my former statement that all of these rude 
shapes are failures and were left upon the factory sites. 

It is time, therefore, that I should define a stone-age workshop. 
It is any spot where an individual desiring to make an implement 
picks up one or more bowlders or bits of stone and proceeds to shape 
what he desires. It is a shop just the same if thousands of rocks 
and hundreds of men are concerned. It is a quarry workshop if the 
raw material is secured by means of excavation or is broken from 
masses of rock before the shaping begins. 

Bowlders and bits of workable rock, singly or in numbers, are scat- 
tered over the face of the country — on the beach, on the river banks, 
in the woods, in the green fields, and on village sites. If rude, unfin- 
ished forms are not found on some village sites it is very probably be- 
cause material suitable to be worked was not found upon the spot, I 
venture to surmise that upon extensive areas of alluvial lajid where the 
raw material is very scarce the rude forms of tools will be exceed- 
ingly rare, although all post-quarry and final products abound. 

In this part of the valley shop sites are very numerous, and wher- 
ever they occur will be found relics representing the stages of man- 
ufacture — turtle-backs, double turtle-backs, and failures of every 
shape and kind, depending for their character upon the species and 
form of rock, the skill of the workmen, and the kind of tool de- 
signed ; but in any case ordinary percussion was concerned in only 
the rougher work, and indirect percussion or pressure was em- 
ployed in the final stages. The thick, clumsy forms are in every 
case mere refuse. There is so far no evidence that any inhabitant 
of the Potomac valley ever aimed to make by flaking alone any other 
than the attenuated forms, one-half an inch or less in thickness, such 
as we see in knives, scrapers, spear and arrow heads, perforators, and 
the like. Very rude forms may occasionally have been used in emer- 
gencies, or even may have been shaped for special uses of a local or 
temporary kind, such as quarrying soapstone or girdling trees ; but 
the quarry forms here found were certainly not made to be used, and 
we have additional confirmation of this in the fact that it is excep- 
tional to find examples of Ihe class that show evidence of use, or 
even that were found in such situations as to indicate that they had 
either been used or valued. 
3 



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18 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

A very large percentage of the chipped-stone forms found in our 
museums, and over which endless discussions have taken place, are 
only failures gathered from shop sites ; while many others from 
shop sites and elsewhere are unfinished implements lost or thrown 
away before the final shape was reached. It was impossible to make 
these distinctions with accuracy until a veritable fossil shop-site, dis- 
sociated from other finds, was discovered and systematically ex- 
plored. It may be said with much truth that the archaeologist who 
studies flaked stones of any country without having made himself 
familiar with the functions and character of such a workshop is liable 
to make most serious blunders. 

As a corollary of the determination of the true quarry product we 
arrive at the definition of a cache. The ordinary cache of stone im- 
plements is a cluster or hoard, numbering, perhaps, a score or more, 
which has been secreted or deposited in the earth by the owner, 
and who for some reason never exhumed it. Such hoards are fre- 
quently discovered by workmen in the fields. 

Having reached a definite conclusion that the blades were the ex- 
clusive worked product of the quarry, I was led to investigate their 
subsequent history. The working of a quarry such as I have de- 
scribed led inevitably to the production of blades in numbers, and 
it follows that they were removed in numbers, since the supply for 
the entire year was to be obtained probably within a small fraction 
of a year, the working period being determined by the season, by 
tribal movements, or by other limitations of time. 

In speculating upon the probable nature of the transportation, 
storage, and distribution of such quarry forms I happened to ob- 
serve that they were identical in character with the objects usually 
contained in caches, and the conclusion was at once suggested that 
all such cache forms are quarry products — unfinished tools — ^varying 
in character with the material, the process, and the habits or needs 
of the people concerned ; that they had been roughed out in num- 
bers and to a stage of advancement that made them portable and at 
the same time placed them fully within the reach of the processes to 
be employed in finishing, and that they had been carried away to 
the villages and buried in damp earth, that they might not become 
hard and brittle before the time came for flaking them into the final 
forms required in the arts. The story begun in the quarry is thus 
expanded and the status of the cache tentatively determined. 
, The history of the quarry forms is not completed, however, until 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 19 

we have noted their final distribution among the individuals of the 
various tribes, until we have witnessed the final step in the shaping 
process — the flaking out of specific forms with a tool of bone — and 
their final adaptation to use and dispersal over the country. 

And now, hastening over this interesting field, the problem of 
age and race, so far as the results of this exploration relate to them, 
must be hurriedly examined. 

AGE AND RACE. 

The question of the antiquity of the period of occupation is one 
of paramount interest and importance. When it is fully and finally 
answered we shall no longer be uncertain as to whether our researches 
refer to a well-known people or to a race shrouded in a thick veil of 
mystery. 

If the attainable evidence is against great age, or even if it is not de- 
cidedly in favor of great age, the natural conclusion is, or ought to 
be, that the race concerned is the Indian ; for he is well known to us 
as an actual occupant of the region, and the period of his occupancy, 
while coming down to our time, and therefore recent, is not at all 
well defined in respect to the other limit. If, on the contrary, the 
evidence favors great age — if the latest limit of the period of occu- 
pation is remote and apparently far antedates the period of which 
we have historic knowledge — we shall not perhaps be warranted in 
identifying the ancient quarry-worker with the Indian, and ulti- 
mately may even find it necessary to refer him to another and earlier 
stage of culture. 

Unfortunately we have in the Potomac valley but meager and 
imperfect indices of age. Geology, the great time gauge, is not 
known to have made a definite record since the first glacial epoch, 
a period antedating traces of man, and therefore important proofs 
of a geologic nature beaxing upon this question do not exist, and 
answers to questions concerning remote chronology must be sought 
elsewhere. There are some minor records, however, pertaining to 
geology which are worthy of careful study. 

The art relics from the site examined are, as we have seen, more 
or less intimately associated with three formations. Two are old, 
antedating the advent of man, and the other is now in process of 
accumulation and alteration under conditions that have been prac- 
tically the same ever since glaciM times. These associations, there- 
fore, of themselves afford no assistance whatever. 



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20 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

An examination of the quarry-shop refuse makes it apparent that 
the period of occupation was very long. The accumulations of 
worked material are of enormous extent and remarkable thickness. 
Their general compactness is also a notable feature. At the same 
time it can hardly be claimed that these facts aid materially in 
settling the question at issue. The same may be said of the growth 
of forest trees upon the site. A fine chestnut tree fully a century 
old stands upon the surface of a, bed of refuse which is filled with 
artificial remains, and that to a depth not even penetrated by the 
strongest roots ; but the age of a tree or of many generations of trees 
will not carry us back beyond the period of the Indian. 

The deposits are deep, but their accumulation may have been 
rapid, and the indications are strong that it was rapid. They are 
compact in parts, indicating, perhaps, a considerable lapse of time ; 
but in other parts they are not at all compacted, and the pockets of 
coarse refuse are, as I have already shown, quite open and full of 
cavities — a condition not regarded by geologists as consistent with 
great age. So far as my excavations extend, there is no indication 
of a break in the period of occupation, and the implements are alike 
from bottom to top. Again, the evidences of accumulation and 
excavation are still apparent upon the surface, and this indicates a 
date the remoteness of which is to be reckoned by centuries rather 
than by tens of centuries. 

That but a single stage of culture is involved and that a single race 
was concerned are clearly shown by the uniform character of the 
relics and the manner in which they occur. In one case a small 
pocket df refuse was encountered at a depth of forty inches, from 
which all the tools, flakes, and fragments were preserved. Subse- 
quently, when these were washed and examined, they were found to 
include one entire typical turtle-back, which had apparently been 
thrown aside because of its great thickness ; all the fragments of an^ 
implement quite well advanced in the second stage, but which had 
been broken in attempting to remove a hump, and a blade in the 
final stage which had been broken at the very verge of completion. 
The chips struck from these objects were in the cluster with them, 
and there can be no doubt that all these forms, covering the whole 
range of so-called tools from the rudest turtle-back to the final blade, 
were made by the same man and on the same day and probably 
within a single hour. Unity of time as well as of race are thus 
demonstrated. 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 21 

The question as to the remoteness of the time has already been 
reviewed, and the question of the race concerned may now receive 
a moment's attention. 

It would seem from, what has been said that geologically there is 
nothing to carry the history of man in this place back beyond the 
age of the Indian, and that a number of things conspire to confine 
it to that period. 

I find no evidence of a cultural kind that points significantly to- 
wards another race. Mining and'quarrying are well-known accom- 
plishments of the Indian, and on Rock creek and near at hand are 
soapstone quarries that no one would think of attributing to any 
other people. The mounds and shell heaps which are known to be 
of Indian origin bear equal or greater evidence of antiquity than do 
the remains upon this site. 

The absence from this site, so far as known, of finished tools of 
flaked or polished stone and of pottery has given rise to the assump- 
tion that the race concerned did not make or use these things, andj 
it is argued from this that they could not have been our Indians ; 
but it would seem that there is really little apparent reason why any 
people quarrying bowlders and roughing out rude implements in the 
hills should carry finished tools into the pits, and there certaijily 
would be no excuse whatever for having pottery there. Besides, it 
should be remembered that my excavations have been carried over 
a very small portion — one-thousandth part, perhaps — of the work- 
shops, and that other classes of art remains may yet be found. 

The unity of the art of the quarries so far as kown is, as we 
have seen, easily and conclusively shown. Is it not also possible to 
demonstrate the unity of the flaked-stone art of the whole Potomac 
province ? A review of the field makes it clear that if the theory of 
the occupancy of this valley by an early man had not been suggested 
from without there would have been no occasion for asking such a 
question, for every appearance indicates homogeneity not only in 
art, but in race as well. 

The flaked-stone implements of the region are readily grouped 
under a few heads, including knife-blades, scrapers, spear-points, 
arrow-points, and perforators. Other forms are known, but. they 
are not of importance in the present study and at best were not 
standard products of the flaking art, but rather emergency tools 
made to answer some temporary or purely local purpose. 

Two of the groups, the arrow and spear heads, are perhaps the 



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22 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

most numerous and important, as they naturally would be with a 
fishing and hunting race. They include wide but closely similar 
ranges of form, the two classes varying little save in size, and this 
difference may be easily accounted for by differences in the mate- 
rial. Quartz is fitted for the manufacture of small forms only on 
account of its brittlefiess, lack of homogeneity, and flawed condition, 
whereas quartzite is tough, coarse-grained, and fairly homogeneous, 
and while well adapted to use for large tools is difficult to shape into 
small or delicate ones. Jasper, slate, flint, and other rocks are com- 
paratively rare and from necessity occupy a secondary place in our 
primitive art. To all appearance the differences in size are reason- 
ably accounted for without appealing to distinctions in culture or 
race to explain them. 

Now, for the purpose of securing another point of view from which 
to study the quarries and the quarry products, let us suppose that no 
example of the workshops had been discovered, and that the source 
of supply of the raw material was wholly unknown. Viewing the 
vast number of spear and arrow heads of quartzite found scattered 
over the hills and valleys and taking into account the multitude that 
still lie buried in humus and alluvium, the question would naturally 
arise, where are the sources of the material, and where are the great 
quantities of refuse that must have resulted fi'om such extensive 
manufacture ? 

Nearly all of the quartzite found in this region is in the shape of 
bowlders, and we are safe in concluding that in the manufacture of 
ten thousand tools — a moderate estimate of the number lost within 
this valley — ^hundreds of thousands of failures were made and mill- 
ions of flakes and fragments were left upon the ground. It has been 
observed that these bowlders are scattered over the surface of the 
country, and in many places they have been worked, but they occur 
in very limited numbers, and having been seasoned by long ex- 
posure they are extremely difficult to reduce to desired shapes. 
Through the investigation of Mr. McGee we have learned that the 
area affording a plentiful supply of quartzite bowlders of a size suit- 
able for use in shaping tools is very limited, and that it is confined 
to the bluffs of the Potomac river within and immediately below 
the District of Columbia, and it follows from this that the factories 
where implements were made and the refuse resulting from the 
manufacture must be found within the range of vision from our 
house-tops. 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOP. 23 

But, as we have seen, the quarries and factories have actually been 
found, and it is ascertained that they answer in every way the re- 
quirements of the case. 

Every quartzite point made from a bowlder had to go through all 
the stages of manufacture already carefully described, and with these 
quarry workshops in sight it would be absurd to still ask where and 
how these implements were made. It is impossible to escape the 
conclusion that these quarries were the source of the material, and 
that here the implements were roughed out, and the presumption is 
very strong that the quartzite art of the valley is a unit, and that 
but one people was concerned in the manufacture and use of the im- 
plements. 

It follows still further, since the quartzite shapes are identical with 
those in quartz and other materials, that the chipped-stone art of 
this valley is practically a unit, and that nothing short of the dis- 
covery of wholly new evidence will make the theory of occupancy 
by another race than the Indian tenable. 

Notwithstanding the apparent conclusiveness of the evidence of 
ethnic and cultural unity, the lessons derived from other regions 
should not be disregarded. The interpretations placed upon imple- 
ments found elsewhere and corresponding closely to ours are eloquent 
of the history of early races and of the evolution of culture. 

Many of the rude implements of the Seine — ^assigned to a great an- 
tiquity and to an unknown race — ^are nearly identical with our quarry 
forms. On the Thames the analogues of nearly all classes of rude 
implements are found in the high, level gravels, thus carrying history 
back with certainty to remote ages. In the Delaware valley the 
rudest forms, corresponding to our failure shapes, are obtained from 
glacial gravels, and the less rude varieties occur in more recent forma- 
tions or under conditions that seem to make them safe indices of 
the steps of progress. In the Potomac valley, on the other hand, 
all the rude forms appear to be but failures or unfinished pieces rep- 
resenting stages in the manufacture of arrow and spear points of the 
Indian. 

In view of this apparently anomalous state of affairs it may be held 
that as in biology the growth of the individual epitomizes the suc- 
cessive stages through which the species passed, so in art the flaked- 
stone tool of the highest type advances through stages of manufact- 
ure each step of which illustrates a period of human progress in 
culture. 



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24 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

It should be remembered, however, that the investigations of this 
locality are not yet completed, and that in view of this fact it would 
be unwise to assume that in all cases final results have been reached. 
It is quite possible that our chipped implements are in a measure 
separable into chronologic or cultural groups, for the American 
Indian did not always occupy one plane. In common with 
other divisions of the human family he mu5t have riseii by de- 
grees from lower to higher levels of culture. The chipped-stone art, 
however, in itself a simple one, may have reached comparative ex- 
cellence rapidly and in very early times, and far in advance of more 
complex and less practical arts. In any event it is probably not very 
sensitive to cultural changes, and may have remained for a long time 
practically stationary while the procession of other arts moved stead- 
ily on. 

It is believed by Mr. McGee that the river gravels formed in the 
Potomac valley since the first ice epoch and possibly containing evi- 
dences of early man have been depressed .beneath tide water. If such 
is the case, we are as helpless here as our confreres at Trenton would 
be if the estuary gravels of the Delaware, now yielding such impor- 
tant finds, had sunk wholly from sight in pre-Columbian times. 

It is within the range of possibility that other classes of evidence 
may yet be forthcoming. The discovery of shelters, caves, or vil- 
lage sites occupied by distinct peoples or by the same people at 
widely separated periods, or of human remains in connection with 
•the remains of extinct animals, would throw new and strong light 
upon the early history of man in this valley. 

As to the present state of the evidence, I hold that there can be 
but one opinfon. It is impossible to show that there exists the 
slightest trace of any other race than the American Indian as he is 
known to us, and I am convinced that if the great Powhatan should 
at this late day rise from the dead and claim for his people all the 
stone implements of the Potomac valley no reasonable objection 
could be made to the claim. 

SUMMARY. 

And now a few of the salient points brought out in the preceding 
pages may be recalled : , 

A quarry workshop of the flaked-stone implement makers has been 
identified, examined, and described. 

The quarrying is found to have been extensive and the remains are 
of surprising magnitude. 



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Jan. 1890.] A QUARRY WORKSHOIV^ J ^ 25 

The manner of quarrying, the material quarried, and the purpose 
of quarjying have been studied. 

The processes of manufacture have been determined and the arti- 
cles manufactured have been described. 

It has been shown that percussion was used exclusively, and that 
any people chipping ordinary implements from bowlders must neces- 
sarily follow the same steps and reach similar results. 

It has been shown that a well-marked distinction exists between 
quarry work, which is a roughing out by percussion, and the after 
shaping and finishing of special forms, which is accomplished chiefly 
• by gentle means, such as pressure, and that it is highly improbable 
that*the latter work would be fonducted upon the same site as the 
former. 

• The true nature of a workshop has been defined, and the occur- 
rence of rude forms or failures in or their absence from certain 
localities is thus reasonably accounted for. 

It has been shown that the blade alone was carried away from the 
quarry, that it is the cache form, and that it, with the whole range 
of forms naturally derived fi^om it, are found upon village sites and 
elsewhere. 

That all or nearly all our quartzite .to^ls have been derived from 
bowlders obtained in the Potomac valley near Washington, and that 
there is every reason to believe that these quarries on Rock creek 
are the main source. 

That all chipped implements known to have been generally used 
in this valley are thin forms, such as the knife-blade, the spear-point, 
the arrow-head, the perforator, and the scraper, and that all these 
are typical Indian forms, and that the art remains are practically a 
unit. 

That the existence here of another and a more ancient race than 
the Indian has been predicated upon a class of objects which, being 
mere refuse, have of themselves no ethnic or chronologic significance 
whatever. 

That our geologic evidence is extremely slight, but that what 
there is seems to be rather against than for great age for the period 
of occupation. 

And, finally, that all visible evidence so far collected, chrono- 
logic, cultural, and ethnical, point to the Indian as the laborer in 
these quarries and as our only predecessor in the Potomac valley. 



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26 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

In conclusion, let me say that I am ready to modify any of the 
above statements, inferences, and conclusions when the facts are 
found to warrant the change, and that I shall seek earnestly for evi- 
dence of antiquity, and shall heartily welcome the appearance of an 
early man upon a field of investigation whose interest will be quad- 
rupled thereby. 



In nearly every community may be found one or more enthusi- 
astic devotees of archaeologic research, many of whom are actively 
engaged in collecting relics of ancient art. It is rather exceptional, 
however, to find the work systematically carried on ; to find adequate 
records kept and proper care taken of the collections, and these are 
prime considerations to those who would make their treasures avail- 
able for scientific purposes. It is the collector who attends to these 
matters, and especially he who at the same time devotes himself to 
particular localities, who becomes in time the benefactor of archae- 
ologic science. 

The Potomac Valley is a fine field for the collector and student, 
and this fact becomes more apparent every year. From the Apala- 
chian region, meandered by the Upper Potomac, Mr. F. M. Orfut, 
of Cumberland, has amassed a most valuable collection. Mr. Hal- 
lett Phillips, S. V. Proudfit, and E. R. Reynolds, of Washington, 
have each a large series of valuable relics. That of Mr. Phillips 
illustrates a narrow belt bordering the banks of tide-water Potomac, 
while the others are somewhat more general. The collection of 
Mr. J. D. McGuire, of Ellicott City, ifaryland, is more than 
usually important. It represents the region lying between Chesa- 
peake Bay and the Lower Potomac, and is noticeable for a number 
of unique features. Among these is a series of the products of the 
ancient soapstone quarries of the region, including many roughed- 
out pots and a remarkable series of rude pick-like tools of stone, 
used in quarrying and shaping the vessels ; also a number of superb 
sets of cache finds. 

. Mr. N. S. Way and Mr. Wm. Hunter, of Mount Vernon, and Mr. 
O. N. Bryan, of Marshall Hall, with several others, have done ex- 
cellent work, and many of these gentlemen have contributed all or 
a large part of their valuable finds to the National Museum. 

W. H. Holmes. 



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Jan. 1890.] ANTHROPOLOGY IN PARIS. 27 



ANTHROPOLOaV IN PARIS DURINQ THE BXPOSITION 

OF 1889. 

BY OTIS T. MASON. 

The opportunities to study the natural history of man in Paris 
during the Exposition, and especially in August, when the great 
Congresses and the French Association held their sessions, were un- 
paralleled in the history of anthropology. At any time the French 
capital affords rare advantages to the anthropologist. The Mus^e 
and Laboratoire Broca, the anthropometric operations of Bertillon 
in the Palais de Justice, the courses of lectures in the ficole d' An- 
thropologic, the collections in the Jardin des Plantes, the facilities 
for original work in the ficoles de Medicine, and the hospitals give 
to the comparative anatomist and biologist abundant employment. 

The museums of human arts, however, are the crowning glory of 
Paris. In them may be traced the whole history of France from the 
first human action to the latest exposition ; and they are so divided 
in function that the work of one does not interfere with the work 
of the others. 

To examine them in order one should commence with the palace 
of St. Germain-en -Laye, 13 miles from Paris by rail, omnibus, or 
boat. This beautiful structure was erected by Francis I for a royal 
residence. Here were born Henry II, Charles IX, and Louis XIV, 
and here died Louis XIII. Surrounded by a park of ten thousand 
acres stands the building in which may be read the material record 
of France down to the beginning of the Middle Ages. In one of 
the upper halls, arranged in the most perfect order, is the story of 
the Stone period. Here in the upper left-hand corner, as on a 
printed page, you begin with the burned and wrought flints of the 
Abbe Bourgeois, to which archaeologists go for proof of the existence 
of man in early Tertiary. You will have no difficulty in finding 
your way around the hall, but the Congr^ d'Anthropologie were so 
fortunate as to have the venerable G. de Mortillet as guide, who 
organized and arranged the exhibits with his own hands. 

Few of the men who heard his address in August last will soon 
forget his earnest manner and confident air as he explained and 
defended the classification, now generally adopted for European 



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28 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

archaeology. Some of the eminent and world-renowned exhibits 
in this hall are the finds of Boucher de Perthes, at Abbeville, and 
the relics of Solutr^, and of the caves of Western France. 

The Director of the Museum, M. Alexander Bertrand, honored 
the Congr^ with his presence, but the task of conducting the mem- 
bers through the halls dgvoted to the Bronze Age, the Roman period, 
and the early Christian occupation of France, devolved upon Dr. 
Reinach, one of the rising young archaeologists of Paris, whose 
familiarity with the subject is only equalled by his enthusiasm and 
his eloquence. 

Some of the members of the Congr^ had taken an early train to 
St. Germain so as to spend the whole day on the ground. They 
were amply repaid for their pains, and the American delegation, 
especially, were astonished to see twelve large halls devoted to a 
departmentof anthropology which in Washington is confined to one. 

Before leaving the subject of the Stone Age, we must not forget 
that special problems in archaeology arise upon the very site of Paris. 
The Seine gravels and their revelations are illustrated in the St. Ger- 
main Museum, but the Congr^ dovoted one day especially to the 
explorations in this region, and adjourned at the invitation of Count 
D'Acy to examine his private and unique collection from the Seine 
valley around Paris. 

The advantage of studying this vast material in company with the 
most learned men in the world and under the guidance of the dis- 
tinguished explorer himself was fully appreciated by all participating. 

To continue the study of French history it is necessary to pass 
from St. Germain to the Palais Thermes and Hotel de Cluny. The 
most ancient Roman monument in Paris, known as Palais des 
Thermes, was erected in the first year of the fourth century. Its con- 
struction is attributed to Constantius Chlorus, father of Constan- 
tine, who died in 306, and it is the last vestige of the vast structures 
erected by the Roman emperors on the site of aiicient Lutetia. 

It embraces great buildings, baths, and gardens of immense ex- 
tent, and during several centuries was the residence of the first and 
the second lines of French kings. 

The Hotel de Cluny, erected for the most part on the ruins of the 
Roman palace, dates from the second half of the fifteenth century and 
is the sole specimen of the second Gothic period now intact in Paris. 

In 1833 M- ^^ Sommerard chose the old establishment as an 
asylum for his collection of objects illustrating thelirt of the Middle 



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Jan. 1890.] ANTHROPOLOGY IN PARIS. 29 

Ages and of the Renaissance. This collection was acquired by the 
State in 1843 ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ museum was founded under the name of 
•*Mus^ des Thermes et de T Hotel de Cluny.*' The galleries of 
the hotel have been restored and the collections arranged to suit the 
buildings. In the vaults of the old Roman palace are disposed all 
the monuments in stone belonging to the fiallo-Roman and the 
following centuries, the Roman altars erected to Jupiter by Parisian 
sailors in the reign of Tiberias, the marble columns of the temple 
on whose ruins was built the church of Notre Dame de Paris, 
sculptures from St. Germain des Pres, St. Jean de Lateran, St. 
Benoit, and other ancient buildings of Paris, and Gaulish monu- 
ments from other parts of France collected by M. E. de Sommerard. 

In the galleries of the Hotel de Cluny are the relics of the Middle 
Age and of the Renaissance in stone, wood, ivory, enamel, glass, 
faience, jewelry, armor, and weapons. 

The age of the Palais de Thermes helps one to remember that the 
dividing line between St. Germain and Cluny is about the. sixth 
century. To one who loves to trace the growth of ideas and in- 
ventions this is indeed a marvelous place. The arrangement is by 
arts and by ages, so that the ceramist, the metallurgist, the wood- 
carver, and the embroiderer enjoy the best opportunity to study 
the results achieved in each art during a millennium. 

The best displays of Gallic art triumphs in the modern period 
must be studied in the Louvre Museum of Painting, Museum of 
Drawing, Museum of Engraving, Museum of Antique Sculpture, 
Museum of Middle Age and Renaissance Sculpture, Museum of 
Modern French Sculpture, Museum of Assyrian Antiquities, Museum 
of Egyptian Antfquities, Museum of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 
Algerian Museum, Naval Museum, and Museum of the Sovereigns. 

Still more actively associated with the history of French thought 
and ingenuity are the Palais de Luxembourg, where are to be seen 
the works of living artists, which have been purchased by the gov- 
ernment after the annual exhibitions, in the Gobelin tapestry works, 
the Sevres potteries, and a thousand other busy hives which I can- 
not stop to mention. 

The later studies of criminology, poverty, delinquency, fecundity, 
longevity, vigor, stature, &c., all included in the two terms an- 
thropometry and demography, find their best illustrations in such 
operations as those of Alphonse Bertillon in the Palais de Justice 
and the studies of the Soci^t6 d' Anthropologie. 



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30 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

In addition to the history of France, the study of anthropology 
for the whole world has been specially favored in Paris. For a 
purely biological side of the science, or that which relates to man's 
body simply, you must go to the Jardin des Plantes, where, und^r 
the regime of the venerable de Quatrefages and Professor Gaudry, 
you will be permitted to see an osteological collection set up with 
special reference to the archaeology and natural history of man. 
After that you cannot omit the Mus^e Broca, in order to witness 
the active studies of Manouvrier and Chudzinski in osteometry, 
where the results of the great Broca' s studies are preserved as a 
monument to his memory, and where the Soci6t6 d' Anthropologic 
de Paris and the ficole d' Anthropologic are both conducted. 

To complete the anthropologic circle, the Mus6e Trocadero is de- 
voted to the arts of modern peoples, arranged geographically. It is 
to Paris what the Museum fiir Volkerkunde is to Berlin or the Royal 
Museum of Ethnology is to Copenhagen. Here we are under the 
guidance of Dr. E. T. Hamy, who is also the secretary general of 
the Congrte. 

Not very far from the Trocadero is one of the most interesting 
collections in the world, called the Mus6e Guimet, after the illus- 
trious citizen of the city of Lyons to whom it owes its existence. 

This museum is devoted entirely to the history of religion, and so 
far pays most attention to the great religions of antiquity and to the 
modern Asiatic faiths. A separate home is set apart in the building 
for each religion. For instance, the religion of Egypt occupies a 
separate suite, the walls being covered with hieroglyphics. The col- 
umns and ceilings are copied from ancient temples of the Nile. Even 
the vitrines are faithful imitations in their legs and moldings of old 
furniture belonging to the Pharaohs. It is the same in the Buddhist 
and other rooms. The genius loci is the spirit of the religion illus- 
trated. The city of Paris has furnished the ground and the French 
government has erected the building, the most perfect of its kind in 
the world, to honor the industry and learning of M. Guimet. To 
add perfection to this unique museum, two publications have been 
successfully conducted — ^Annales du Mus^ Guimet and Revue de 
THistoire des Religions. 

To add completeness to this sketch of anthropology in the French 
metropolis a word should be said about the associations and publi- 
cations devoted to our science. At present the Soci6t^ d' Ethno- 
graphic and the Soci6t6 d' Anthropologic are the active agents in the 



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Jan. 1890.] ANTHROPOLOGY IN PARIS. 31 

Study of the natural history of man, the latter being far in the lead. 
A very complete course of lectiu-es has been organized and is an- 
nually conducted by the members of this society, and called the 
Ecole d'Anthropologie. 

The publications of greatest merit have been up to this time- 
Bulletin de la Soci^t^ d'Anthropologie de Paris. 

R6vue d'Anthropologie. 

R^vue d'Ethnographie. 

R^vue de THistoire des Religions. 

Materiaux pour THistoire primitive et naturelle de THomive. 

At the present moment some of these are in a state of fusion, and 
new ones devoted to demography and other social questions are to 
be founded. Indeed, further mention should be made of Archives 
de TAnthropologie Criminelle et des Sciences P^nales, the publica- 
tions of r Institution Ethnographique, Bibliotheque des Sciences 
Contemporaines, Bibliotheque Anthropologique, Bulletin de la So- 
ci^t^ de Geographie, Dictionnaire des Sciences Anthropologiques, 
Gazette Arch^ologique, Journal Asiatique, Les litt^ratures populaires 
de toutes les Nations, Mdusine, R6vue de Mythologie, etc., R^vue 
Arch^ologique, R6vue de Linguistique. 

It would not be proper to omit from this notice of special pleasures 
and advantages accorded to the anthropologists who visited Paris in 
August the delight which every one experienced in being able to 
look into the faces of distinguished men previously known only by 
correspondence and through their published works. Besides the 
French savants already named and many more, there were present 
from England, the Continent of Europe, and from the two Americas 
the best-known anthropologists. This pleasure was somewhat marred 
by the conspicuous absence of our German confreres, who had an 
excellent opportunity to show their magnanimity, and lost it. It is, 
therefore, with the greater satisfaction that the presence of Dr. Schlie- 
mann is mentioned and his part in the discussions noted. ' 

But the crowning glory of anthropology was the French Exposi- 
tion. Any one who visited that great spectacle became speedily 
convinced that the interests and studies of the anthropologists of 
Paris had not been confined to France. It was possible to see there 
twelve types of Africans, besides Javanese, Tonkinese, Chinese, Ja- 
panese, and other oriental peoples, living in native houses, wearing 
native costumes, eating native food, practicing native arts and rites 
on the Esplanade des Invalides side by side with the latest inven- 
tions and .with the whole civilized world as spectators. 



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32 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

It was possible to commence near the base of the " Tour de trois 
cent metres *' with models in actual size of rock shelters, igloos, wig- 
wams, bark lodges, straw hovels, and, without leaving the grounds, 
to study every style of habitation in which human beings have ever 
lived or ruled or worshipped. 

It was possible to trace the stream of inventions devoted to travel 
or transportation from snow-shoes, stilts, and other simple aids to 
locomotion through the domestication of animals, wheel carriages, 
navigation, steam-travel, electro-motion, and aeronautics. 

Htre in one building were groups of men and women, life size, 
illustrating the first French cave-dwellings, dressed in skin and work- 
ing with paleolithic implements; the Cro-Magnon man and his wife 
carving an antler ; ancient Mexicans manipulating agave fibre ; the 
dolmen-builders at work on a model which is actually a cast of one 
of the most celebrated in Europe ; a group of men working in flint 
quarries ; the first smiths, in the persons of a group of Congo ne- 
groes, operating with stone tools and monkey-skin bellows ; a group 
•illustrating the Bronze Age, tent makers and dwellers, Chinese pot- 
ters and cloisonne-workers, Assyrian sculptors surrounded by typical 
furniture and cuneiform inscriptions, Grecian potters producing the 
beautiful black and red ware often called Etruscan, Roman matrons 
spinning and weaving, and perhaps others. 

This artistic grouping was intensified and vivified by the presence 
of men, women, and children in the several spaces devoted to for- 
eign exhibits actually engaged in more species of hand-work than 
there is space here to enumerate. Add now to the rich collections 
of specimens, illustrations, and literature always accessible in Paris 
and to the exposition, in which greater attention was paid to an- 
thropology than in any previous one, the presence of the congresses, 
and some appreciation of the activity and interest of the occasion 
may be attained. 

In addition to the sessions of the French Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science, whose meetings and papers were supplemented 
by frequent visits to the Exposition, there were 120 Congresses in 
Paris during the months from May to October, inclusive. All of 
these had some reference to man and his works, and a few of them 
were purely anthropological, to wit : 

June 24-29. Protection of Works of Art and of Monuments. 

Aug. 4-1 1. Hygiene and Demography. 

Aug. 5-11. Physiological Psychology. 



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Jan. 1890.] ANTHROPOLOGY IN PARIS. 33 

Aug. 8-15. Association Fran^aise pour T Advancement des Sci- 
ences. 

Aug. 10-17. Anthropologie Criminelle. 

Aug. 19-26. Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology. 

N. D. Sciences Ethnographiques. 

N. D. Traditions Populaires. 

All these were important occasions, for which the amplest pro- 
vision had been made by enthusiastic specialists. In each of them 
the latest methods of research were earnestly discussed and not al- 
ways with perfect unanimity. The future of each branch of inquiry 
was also a matter of constant study. The papers read were worthy 
of publication, only if all that was said and done in all the Con- 
gresses were published the world would scarcely contain the books. 

The meeting for which the greatest preparations were made was 
the tenth reunion of the Congrfe Intemationile d'Anthropologie et 
d'Arch^ologie Pr^historiques, the ninth session having been held in 
Lisbon, September, 1880. The sessions for the reading and discus- 
sion of' papers were held in the assembly hall of the University. 

The questions discussed in the Congress were the following : 

1. Erosion and filling of valleys and filling of caverns, both in 
their relation to the antiquity of man. 

2. Periodicity of glacial phenomena. 

3. Arts and industries in the caverns and in the alluvium. Value 
of palaeoiTtological and archaeological classifications applied to the 
quaternary epoch. 

4. Chronological relations between the ages of stone, bronze, and 
iron. 

5. Relations between the civilizations of Hallstadt and other sta- 
tions in Daubes and those of Mycenae, Tirhyns, Issarlik, and the 
Caucasus. 

6. Critical examination of crania and other human bones alleged 
to have been found in the quaternary during the last fifteen years. 
Ethnic elements peculiar to the different ages of stone, bronze, and 
iron in Central and Western Europe. 

7. Ethnographic survivals which throw light upon the social con- 
dition of primitive populations in Central and Western Europe. 

8. How far do archaeologic or ethnographic analogies authorize 
the hypothesis of prehistoric consanguinity or of migrations ? 

Under any circumstances the consideration of such important 
questions by so learned a body of specialists would have been worthy 
5 



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34 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

of attention. But consider the auspices under which these meetings 
were held ! The local committee of arrangements — including the, 
to us, well-known names of de Quatrefages, Bertrand, Hamy, Car- 
tailhac, Chantre, Duval, Edwards, Faedherbe, Girard de Rialle, 
Hubert, Lagneau, Letoumeau, Mortillet, Nadaillac, Pozzi, Reinach, 
and Topinard — left nothing to be desired. 

If the anthropologists did not organize the great Exposition they 
at least furnished the presiding genius. Without doubt, of all ex- 
positions that have been held that of 1889 was most thoroughly an- 
thropological. The members of the Congr^s, both individually and 
collectively under excellent guidance, found the collections in the 
Palais des Arts Liberaux specially interesting. 

The History of Industries, of which mention has been already 
made, was organized by Mm. Hamy, Cartailhac, Nadaillac, and 
Topinard, as well as the reconstructions of prehistoric and ancient 
life. Besides these, we were called upon to note M. Piette's collec- 
tion from the grotto of Mas-d'Azil and the grotto d'Arudy ; those 
of Mm. Massenat, de Lastic, Hardy, Paysant, Feaux, Maillard, Tat6, 
Capitan, and others ; others from the rude and the polished stone 
period made by Lecoq, Collin, and the Scientific Society of 
Archachon; dolmens explored by the Soci^t^ Polymathique de 
Morbihan ; illustrations of the age of bronze and of iron in France, 
Persia, Caucasus, and of the prehistoric archaeology of Spain ; col- 
lections from the stone age in French Africa, Cochin China, Japan, 
Oceanica ; Scytho-Byzantine objects from the Caucasus ; Mexican 
archaeology; Gallo-Roman archaeology, and, most attractive of all, 
the stone age of Denmark — ^an exhibit of which Dr. MOller and Dr. 
Schmidt were justly proud. 

In this same Palais des Arts Liberaux there were ethnographic 
collections, such as those from Oceanica made by Bourdil, Foureau, 
Cunesset-Carnot, Collignon, Dort, Mougeot, Holbe, and Bourdil ; 
others from Mozambique and Australia, and those of Prince Roland 
Bonaparte. 

There was also a creditable display in anatomy, though it was very 
much crowded, to illustrate the comparative anatomy of man and 
the higher animals, the fossil men of France, and crania from various 
regions. The models and casts to show the latest studies in crimi- 
nal anthropology were also much examined. 

In the space allotted to the Missions Scientifiques in the same build- 
ing were anthropological specimens from Greenland, Oronoco, and 



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Jan. 1890.] ANTHROPOLOGY IN PARIS. 35 

Other parts of South America, West Africa and the Canaries, Indo- 
China and Cambodia, Malaysia and Ceylon, and New Guinea. 

Besides the anthropological exhibits in the Palais de T Industrie, 
much material relating to our special subject was to be seen in the 
colonial and foreign pavilions. For example, Finland, Mexico, 
Ecuador, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Colombia, Hawaii, Portugal, New 
Guinea, Transvaal, Algeria, Tunis, Anam and Tonkin, French India, 
Tahiti and French Ocean ica, New Caledonia, Mayotte, Guiana, Sene- 
gal, Gabon, CongOj Guadeloupe (Guesde), Cambodia, Cochin 
China, and Java. 

A portion of the space near the Invalides was set apart for the ex- 
hibition of African and Franco-Indian natives at their characteristic 
occupations, chief among the popular attractions of which were the 
Javanese theatre and the Annamite Buddhist temple. The members 
of the Congr^, guided by the local committee, spent many hours 
in these savage enclosures and houses studying the people and their 
arts and listening to their rude music. 

Under such favorable auspices met the Ninth Congress of Anthro- 
pology and Prehistoric Archaeology. It will be .long before such 
wonderful advantages are again brought together for studying the 
natural history of man. 

The previous congresses have been as follows : 

Congrds internationale d' Anthropologic et d*Archeologic prehis- 
torique, founded in Spezzia in 1865. 

Congrfe : 

1. Neufchatel, 1866. Compte rendu, 8vo ; Paris, 1866. 

2. Paris, 1867. Compte rendu, 8 vo ; Paris, 1868. 

3. Norwich, 1868. Compte rendu, 8vo; London, 1869. 

4. Copenhagen, 1869. Compte rendu, 8vo; Copenhagen, 1870. 

5. Bologna, 1871. Compte rendu, 8vo ; Bologna, 1873. 

6. Bruxelles, 1872. Compte rendu, 8vo ; Bruxelles, 1873. 

7. Stockholm, 1874. Compte rendu, 8vo ; Chalons, 1875. 

8. Buda.Pesth, 1876. Compte rendu, 2 vols.,8vo; Buda-Pesth, 
1887. 

9. Lisbon, 1880. 

10. Paris, 1889. 

So marked was the success of the Paris Exposition in regard to 
to its anthropologic results that it would seem to be most fitting to 



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36 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

invite our foreign associates to meet us in 1892 at our own exposi- 
tion on American soil, where occur so many problems of interest to 
the whole anthropologic world. 



The Ethnologic Affinities of the Ancient Etruscans. — 
Starting out with the assumption that the ethnologic position of the 
ancient Etruscans is yet unsolved, Dr. Brinton contributes an im- 
portant paper to the subject which is now reprinted from the Proc. 
Am. Philos.'Soc., Vol. XXVI, Oct. 25, 1889. The author com- 
pares the geographical position of the ancient Etruscans in Italy, 
their physical traits, culture, and above all such remains of their 
language as have been rescued from inscriptions of monuments and 
the few words handed down by the classical writers with the like 
features of the Kabyles of Algiers, and with their parent stem the 
ancient Libyans, and advances cogent reasons for considering that 
all are genetically related. His conclusions are categorically stated 
as follows : 

1. The uniform testimony of the ancient writers and of their own 
traditions asserts that the Etruscans came across the sea from the 
south and established their first settlement on Italian soil near Tar- 
quinii ; this historic testimony is corroborated by the preponder- 
ance of archseologic evidence as yet brought forward. , 

2. Physically the Etruscans were a people of lofty stature, of the 
blonde type, with dolichocephalic heads. In these traits they cor- 
responded precisely with the blonde type of the ancient Libyans, 
represented by the modern Berbers and the Guanches, the only 
blonde people to the south. 

3. In the position assigned to woman and in the system of federal 
government the Etruscans were totally different from the Greeks, 
Orientals, and Turanians ; but were in entire accord with the Libyans. 

4. The phonetics, grammatical plan, vocabulary, numerals, and 
proper names of the Etruscan tongue present many and close analo- 
gies with the Libyan dialects, ancient and modern. 

5. Linguistic science, therefore, concurs with tradition, archae- 
ology, sociologic traits, and anthropologic evidence in assigning a 
genetic relationship of the Etruscans to the Libyan family. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



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Jan. 1890,] THE ESKIMO OF POINT BARROW. 37 



NOTES ON COUNTINO AND MBASURINa AMONG THE 
ESKIMO OF POINT BARROW.* 

BY JOHN MURDOCH. 

From September, 1881, to August, 1883, ^^^ writer was stationed 
in the immediate neighborhood of the large Eskimo villages at Cape 
Smyth and Point Barrow, Arctic Alaska, as a member of the Inter- 
national Polar Expedition, and had the good fortune to become 
intimately acquainted with a large number of their interesting in- 
habitants. 

These Eskimo have had comparatively little intercourse with 
civilized men, as it is only within the last thirty-five years, or since 
the time when H. M. S. "Plover" passed two winters at Point 
Barrow as a depot ship, during the great Franklin search expedi- 
tions, that the American whalemen have resorted to that region. 
Before the time of the Franklin search they had seen white men 
upon only two occasions, namely, when Elson, in the " Blossom's " 
barge, discovered and named Point Barrow, in 1826, and when 
Thomas Simpson, coming from the Mackenzie river, reached the 
same point in 1837. 

Consequently they were but little changed from their primitive 
condition of culture, and retained their.language almost in its origi- 
nal purity. In the process of collecting linguistic material among 
them, some interesting points were discovered in regard to their 
methods of counting and measuring, and these have been brought 
together in the present paper. 

The language spoken at Point Barrow is sufficiently like that of the 
Greenlanders and other eastern Eskimo to be readily understood 
by them. This fact has been already pointed out by various writers. 
So far as I have been able to ascertain, the chief phonetic difference 
between the two dialects, apart from the fact that the vowel sounds 
are frequently different in words otherwise identical, appears to be 
that a surd consonant in Greenlandic, especially at the end of the 
word, is represented by the cognate nasal at Point Barrow, and 
that the so-called ** fricative lingual '' jj (pronounced sh or like the 

* Read before the Society, December 4, 1888. 



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38 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

French/) of the Greenlandic becomes a true rolled r. Bearing 
these phonetic changes in mind, the resemblance of the Point Bar- 
row system of numeration to that of the other dialects is very 
striking. 

It was not easy to obtain any accurate information about the 
numeral system of these people, since in ordinary conversation they 
are not in the habit of specifying any numbers above five. Six and 
all higher numbers are ordinarily spoken of asamadraktOk— " many.'* 
The same has been noticed among other Eskimo. For example, 
Captain Parry speaks of " the imperfect arithmetic of these people 
(the natives of Fury and Hecla Straits), which resolves every num- 
ber above ten into one comprehensive word '* (Second Voyage, p. 

549)- 

They have, however, a series* of numerals running at least as high 
as one hundred, most of which seem to be but rarely used. This 
agrees with the observations of Pastor Brodbeck among the East 
Greenlanders in 1882 — ** Zahlen konnen die heidnischen Gronlander 
nur mangelhaft, uber 20 hinaus versteigen sie nichtgem" (Nach 
Osten, p. 42). Those most frequently used are the words for ten, 
fifteen, and twenty. We did not succeed in collecting many of the 
other high numerals, and many of them appear to be somewhat 
cumbrous periphrases, which might be invented on the spur of the 
moment for expressing quantities which were appreciated, but for 
which there existed no single definite word. 

The first five of the numerals and the word for ten are essentially 
the same as what are called the " real numerals'* in the Greenland 
dialect, and the remainder appear to be made by repeating these 
numerals in connection with ** part-words** (theilworter), which 
indicate on which hand or foot the counting is done (see Klein- 
schmidt, Groenlandische Grammatik, § 42, p. 37). Together they 
form the series of cardinal numerals, which, as far as we could learn, 
are used only in concrete numbers, in the sense of numeral adjec- 
tives. The ** real numerals ** are : 

1. Ata'uzik, corresponding to Greenlandic atausek. 

2. Ma'dro, " " mardluk. 

3. Pi'fiasun, " " pingasut. 

4. Si'saman, ** ** sisamat. 

5. Tfl'dlemflt, " " tatdlimat 
10. Kodlin, " " kulit. 



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Jan. 1890.] THE ESKIMO OP POINT BARROW. 39 

The "part-words'* were not obtained very accurately, and are 
used in a somewhat different way from the Greenland method. 
Akbinigin, or akbinidigin, appears to be a form of arfinek '*on the 
second hand/' but seems to have a more generalized meaning — 
/. e,, "on the next hand or foot." Six is therefore expressed in 
full "atautyimifi akbinigin tudlim(i(t)/' "five (and) once on the 
next " (or if tftdlimflt is derived, as has been suggested, from talek, 
the arm, "one hand and once on the next*'), or "atautyimifi 
akbi'nigin,*' or simply "akbi'nigin,** when a Greenlander would say 
" arfinek-atausek, onbe on the next hand." In the same manner 
seven is "twice on the next," "madro'nifi akbi'nigin," and eight 
"three times on the next," "piflas'unifi akbi'nigin." Nine, how- 
ever, is formed differently, being kodlinqtai'la, which appears to mean 
" that which has not its ten." Ten, kod'lin (kulit) is supposed to 
be derived from kut or kule, "the upper part," referring to the 
number of digits on the hands of a man. 

The intermediate phrases " one on the first foot," &c., for eleven, 
twelve, and so on, were never heard, but instead of "five on the 
foot" for fifteen (made in Greenlandic with the "part-word" 
arkanek or isigkane) we found what appears to be a " real numeral " 
akimi'a, not occurring in the other dialects. From this word is 
sometimes made a word for fourteen, akimiaxotaityufia, " I have 
not fifteen." Twenty, inyui'na means "a man completed " (from 
i'nu [G. inuk] a man, and inirpi to complete it), meaning that in 
counting twenty we use all the fingers and toes of one man. The 
expression in Greenland is slightly different from this, being inuk 
navdlugo, "a man come to an end." Twenty-five and thirty are 
" inyui'na tftdlim^inifi akbini'digin," " twenty and five times on the 
the next," and "inyui'na kodlinifi akbini'digin," twenty (and) ten 
times," &c. Thirty-five is " inyui'na akim'iamifi aipalifi," "twenty 
accompanied by one fifteen times." Forty is " two twenties," madro 
inyui'na or " madrolipi'a." The last part of the latter word appears 
again in tCk'dlimdbipi'a, one hundred, and perhaps is another phrase 
for "twenty." In the word for 100 the first part is the " subjec- 
tive " or possessive form of tft'dlimtit, five. The expressions in 
Greenlandic and other Eskimo dialects for these higher numbers 
are very different, which is pretty strong evidence that they have 
been developed since the separation of the Eskimo into their 
different branches. For example, in Greenlandic twenty-five is 



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40 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

intlp aipagsdne tatdUmat^ " five on the second man," and thirty is 
"ten on the second man/' ^^ in&p cUpagssane kuiit*^ In the 
Mackenzie dialect these two numbers are respectively iglut talle- 
matopk and innok kpolinik-tchikpaUk, 

On the other hand, the "real numerals" are wonderfully alike 
in all the vocabularies that have been collected, showing that before 
their separation the Eskimo were in the habit of reckoning at least 
to five. 

It is evident from the cumbrous forms of the higher numerals 
that any arithmetical processes are difficult if not impossible. 
Mr. Richard Cull, in an article describing three Eskimo brought 
to England from Cumberland Gulf, in 1854 (published in the 
Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, v. 5, 1856, pp. 
215-225), goes to worjc quite elaborately to use the numerals he 
learned from them in various arithmetical processes. He shows 
that addition and subtraction, and even multiplication and division, 
can be performed with these numerals, but the processes are exceed- 
ingly cumbersome, and, so far as I can learn, entirely foreign to 
Eskimo modes of thought. 

The Point Barrow natives, however, appear capable of a sort of 
crude addition, since in counting objects they divide them into 
groups of five and obtain the sum total from the number of these 
groups. In counting up to five, the ordinal numerals are used, as in 
the other dialects. With the exception oiaVpa^ "second," which, 
as in Greenlandic, means " his companion " (viz., the companion of 
the first), these are the cardinal numbers with the "suffix" of the 
third person, which indicates that the word to which it is applied 
belongs to something else. Kleinschmidt's explanation of this usage 
is that each ordinal is supposed to be the property of the preceding. 
For instance, third is " [the two] its third," fourth is " [the three] 
their fourth," and so on. "First," then, in the Point Barrow 
dialect, must mean " their first," referring to those that follow. In 
Greenlandic and other dialects a different word is used for first, 
namely, sujugdUk (with its dialectic variants), " the foremost." 
This word is not easily recognized in the form in which it is found 
at Point Barrow, sibwudliy where we only heard it used as the name 
of the star Arcturus, but the form of the word, t^ivulepk \t^ivuleJi\, 
in the Mackenzie River dialect, connects the tw(^ widely distant 
forms. 



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Jan. 1890.1 THB ESKIMO OP POINT BAEROW. 41 

The ordinals at Point Barrow are as follows : 

Atau'zia, first. 

Ai'pa, second (Gr., aipa). 

Pifiayua, third (pingajuat). 

Si'saraa, fourth (sisamat). 

Tftdlima, fifth (tatdlimat). 

The question "How many?'* is frequently asked in the form 
" How many times? " [sc. is the object repeated], using the Modalis 
** kapsi'nia.'* The numeral in the answer is then in the same case, 
"atau'tyimifi," " madro'nifi," &c. 

Methods of measuring space appear to be in the most primitive 
state. Our vocabulary contains no words indicating any standard 
of length or of size, and there appear to be none in use among other 
Eskimo. Of late years, however, in their dealings with the whites 
the Point Barrow people have learned to measure calico, drilling, 
&c., by the fathom — that is, the length from tip to tip of the out- 
stretched arms. 

Time is measured by the sun when it is visible, or by some of the 
stars at night. For Instance, they say "We started when the sun 
was yonder (in the heavens) and travelled till it was yonder." Arc- 
turus, Sibwu'dli, is the time-piece of the seal-netters. When this 
star has passed over to the east they know that dawn is at hand and 
that netting is nearly over. 

The length of a journey is reckoned by the number of " sleeps '* 
(compare Parry, ad Voyage, p. 556), and time is sometimes reck- 
oned by the moon. For instance, they told us that "when this 
moon is gone and the next moon is little the whales will come." 

We learned three names for seasons of the year — ^u'kio, winter, 
and u'pifla and upiflaksa, warm weather. These words correspond 
to the Greenlandic upernak, spring, and upemagssak, early spring. 

Dr. John Simpson, R. N., who was the surgeon of the depot ship 
"Plover," and who published a very accurate sketch of the Eskimo 
df Point Barrow ("Observations on the Western Eskimo and the 
Country They Inhabit," originally printed as an appendix to the 
report of the commander* of the "Plover" in the Parliamentary 
Reports for 1855, and reprinted in "A Selection of Papers on Arctic 
Geography and Ethnology," prepared by the Royal Geographical 
Society for the English Arctic Expedition in 1875, PP* *33"27S)» 
states that the year is divided into four seasons, and the names we 
6 



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42 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

obtained correspond to those he gives for "late winter" and "early 
summer," or spring and summer. 

We obtained with some difficulty the names of nine moons or 
lunar months of the year, but were told that for the rest of the year 
"there was no moon, only the sun." Dr. Simpson, however, ob- 
tained names for all twelve moons. The names of these moons were 
given differently by different informants, and do not wholly agree 
with those given by Simpson. It is quite likely that they are not 
invariable, and may be going out of general use. They begin to 
reckon the months from the time when the- women begin sewing upon 
deer-skins, in the autumn, according to Simpson, starting with the 
first new moon after Elson Bay freezes over. They are as follows : 

1. Su'dlivwifi (Shud'-le-wing, Simpson), "the time for working — 
/. ^., sewing." 

2. Su'dlivwifi ai'pa (shudlewing aipa), " the second time for sew- 
ing," or su'dlivwifi kifiu'lia, " the succeeding sewing-time." 

3. Kaibwid-wi (Kai-wig'-win), roughly speaking, December, the 
time of the great dances. Dr. Simpson's form of this name, which 
he translates "rejoicing," appears to be more correct than the one 
obtained by us, since "kaiwi'gwifi" (frbm Gr. kivigpok) would 
mean " the time for going round in a circle " (as in the dance). 
The name probably should be translated " the time for dancing." 

4. Ida'sugaru (Ir-ra-shu'-ga-run, "great cold ") is the dark mid- 
winter moon, at the end of which the sun comes back — ^about Janu- 
ary 23. The name appears to be derived from G. issik, cold ; but 
I have been unable to analyze the compound. It is also called 
sftktinyatyia (sha-ke-ndt-si-a), " little sun," and sftkflnyasCigaru. 

5. Audlaktovwifi (au-lak'-to-win), " the time for starting out " (to 
the deer-hunt), from audlakto, to start. I am confident that Simp- 
son was wrong in placing this moon before the preceding, as the 
deer-hunting parties certainly do not start till the February moon 
after the sun has returned. 

6. Sttksilibwi (e-sek-si-la'-wing), the next moon (March). This 
word, of which Doctor Simpson's form appears to be more correct 
than ours, seems to mean "the time for starting to come home." 

7. Umisttrbwifi (kat-tet-d-wak, returning for whales), " the time 
for making ready the boats" (April). 

8. Kadkerbwifi (ka-wait-piZ-i-en, birds arrive) (May) appears to 
mean " the time for fowling," from an apparent variant of kafiwe, 
fowl. 



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Jan. 1890.] THE ESKIMO OF POINT BARROW. 43 

9. Yogniabwifi (ka-wai-niv'-i-en, birds hatched), the time for 
bringing forth — i. e.y laying eggs '' (June). 

As already stated, we learned no names for the other three moons. 

They have definite words for to-day, and several preceding and 
following days. ** To-day*' \%kunmii!mHih<^xt are other expressions, 
but this was the one commonly used in their intercourse with us). 
This word, which is evidently in what Kleinschmidt calls the localis 
case, does not appear in Greenlandic, where the expression used is 
uvdiume, ** in the [present] day." ** To-morrow *' is ublaxo or, per- 
haps more properly, ubldkun (literally, ** in the morning," a curious 
coincidence with the German ^* morg^n^^), and "yesterday," unuH- 
m&n (literally, '* when it was evening "). ** Day before yesterday " 
and "day after to-morrow" are both called by the same name, 
tkpu^ksa (which is the same as the Greenlandic igpagssak, " yester- 
day "), and the third day from the present either way, with all pre- 
ceding or following days for a short period, are called is/a. This 
is the same as the Greenlandic ivsak^ " some days ago." For long 
periods in the past (we were given to understand more than four 
years ago) they say aipdni (literally, "in the other [sc. time]"). 
For very ancient times, beyond the memory of living man, they say 
adrdni. Future time was generally referred to as nandko, nandkun, 
" by-and-by," or when some expected event, like the going of the 
ice or the coming of the ships, should happen. 

It will be seen that the expressions which they use for past time 
are too vague to render it possible to learn the date of any event in 
their history or traditions, unless it qan be referred to the time of 
the Plover's visit,, beyond which we have no well-defined date with 
which they are acquainted. 



The Aboriginal Bark-Peeler. — In several archaeological mu- 
seums of Europe, notably in the Royal Museum, in Copenhagen, 
implements of bone are to be seen, often made of a rib, whose func- 
tion has not been known. The implement referred to is sharpened 
to a wedge-shaped edge at the lower extremity, the body is slightly 
bent along its entire length, and the upper end is rounded for a 
handle. z* • 

Implements of precisely similar form are. now in use by the Indians 
of the Pacific coast of America, from Oregdh to Alaska for peeling 
bark from the cedar trees.^ Doubtless similar tools were, formerly in 



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44 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

use in the birch-bark country and in South and Central America, 
where a kind of rude tapa cloth was beaten from the bark of the lace- 
bark tree {Lagetta lintearia). 

One specimen from the Tulalip Agency, in Washington Territory, 
is made of elk antler, sixteen inches long and sharpened at either 
end. The Indians of Queen Charlotte Islands and the adjoining 
mainland employ a great many smaller peelers to take off large slabs 
of bark in an unbroken condition for the roofs of their houses. 
These implements are less than a foot long and are made of the ribs 
of the deer. 

The process of bark-peeling is a very ingenious one. A tree is 
hacked around quite through the bark in furrows about four feet 
apart. A vertical slit is also made. Then, by means of a series of 
the peelers, the bark is lifted from the tree and kept in flat form by 
a series of plugs and props until it dries. It remains flat after dry- 
ing and is cut into sections suitable for shingles. For taking off" the 
bark to be made into cords, baskets, cinctures, etc., the same 
amount of shaping is not necessary, but the peeler is universally used 
in separating the bark. The birch-bark canoe was formerly em- 
ployed along our northern boundary wherever the birch tree was 
abundant, and it would be well to study the method of separating 
the bark from the trees. O. T. Mason. 



A Very Ancient Tomahawk. — It is generally known that the 
iron tomahawk with a pipe on the blunt end is an invention of the 
white man, and counts for nothing in the study of primitive indus- 
tries. In the ethnographic collection in Copenhagen is an antique- 
looking specimen with a blade of stone, resembling a diminutive 
specimen of our common two-ended pick, or more precisely, like one 
of those blades that are fitted into a socket on the handle and have 
no eyelet. The stone blade in question is lashed to a worm-eaten 
handle by means of rawhide just like an Eskimo pick. In the col- 
lection of the National Museum are two such blades without handles* 
both from New York. These furnish good evidence that the Copen- 
hagen Museum specimen is an aboriginal tomahawk of the New York 
Indians, made before the iron ones were adopted. So far as we 
know it is the only perfect specimen in the world. 

O. T. Mason. 



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Jan. 1890.] A NEW LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 45 



A NBW LINGUISTIC FAMIL7 IN CALIFORNIA. 

BY H. W. HENSHAW. 

In delving among the rarer books and manuscripts which relate 
to the early history of America, the student not unfrequently comes 
across mention of tribes which have vanished and have left their 
names as the sole record of their existence. They died and left no 
monuments. Yet the researches of the archaeologist may bring to 
light the stone implements such peoples made and used, and thus, 
to a limited degree, we may obtain glimpses of the culture state 
they lived in and form some idea of their mode of life. 

Substantial as are such archaeologic clews and important links as 
they are in reconstructing the past life of their former owners, they 
are by no means the most important of the heir-looms which re- 
search occasionally places in the hands of the student, since they 
throw little or no light upon the relationship of their owners and 
but dimly pierce the obscurity of their past history. Evidence of a 
much more satisfactory sort occasionally awaits the search of the 
linguistic student, when in turning the forgotten pages of history he 
finds vocabularies of the speech of vanished races, and is thus let in, 
as it were, to their inner selves, obtaining glimpses of their daily 
thought and religious ideas, and receiving hints of their relationship 
to other and it may be to living tribes. The latter may to some 
extent repeat their habits and "peculiari ties, and perhaps may furnish 
suggestions of their origin, migrations, etc. How clear an insight 
into such matters may be afforded by a study of the language of a 
people and how minute the details gathered by the linguistic student 
is to be seen by the remarkable results obtained by students of the 
Aryan languages, who are able to present a panorama of the daily 
life and thought of the old Aryans almost as though they had wit- 
nessed what they describe. 

It is the purpose of the present paper to call atljention to one of 
these vanished peoples, not because the facts to be given concerning 
it are either many or satisfactory, but with the primary purpose of 
recording such facts as are known, few and unsatisfactory though 
they be, and more important still of directing the attention of 



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46 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Students to the importance of searching: for similar cases. In the 
present instance, indeed, even more may be hoped; for, while 
the people in question has been lost sight of for a hundred 
years or more, it is possible that a few survivors yet remain, and it 
is to be hoped that this fact once known the zeal of investigators 
may be stimulated and new and richer gleanings be added to the 
small store already harvested. 

The people I refer to are a tribe known by the name Esselen or 
E^clemachs, and formerly lived in California, to the east and south 
of the Monterey Bay, and with other neighboring tribes were 
gathered into the San Carlos Mission of Monterey, in 1770. 

The first clew to the existence of a group of California Indians 
different from any recognized by recent students was obtained by 
Mr. Curtin, of the Bureau of Ethnology, from the rare collection of 
newspaper articles by Alexander Taylor. Though not a learned 
man, Taylor was an indefatigable student and reader, as well as an 
assiduous collector of Indian lore. Between the years i860 to 1863 
he published in the California Farmer, a weekly paper, all the 
material bearing upon California Indians he himself was able to 
gather and, as well, copious notes and extracts from the Mission 
records and from such of the early writers as he had access to. The 
result is a mass of material badly arranged, or, more properly, not 
arranged at all, illy digested and not always wisely selected, but 
still forming a contribution to the subject neither to be despised nor 
to be overlooked by the student of to-day. This author copies two 
vocabularies, one from Galiano, the other from La Perouse, and a 
comparison of the 39 words they contain seemed to show that here 
was an absolutely distinct linguistic family which had been entirely 
overlooked. The early date at which these vocabularies were taken, 
1786 and 1792, and the fact that the Indians appear not to have 
been seen by any subsequent investigator, seemed to negative the 
hope that any of them might still survive. The doubt of there being 
any survivors seemed to be strengthened by the fact that Taylor 
visited Monterey in 1856 and took a vocabulary of the supposed 
''Eselenes," which, however, unfortunately turns out to represent the 
neighboring Rumsien language of which there are a number of good 
vocabularies extant. As the writer was about to visit the west coast 
for the purpose of linguistic investigations, the rediscovery of the 
lost Esselen tribe was made a prime object of the trip. For this, as 
well as for other linguistic purposes, an exhaustive search was made 



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Jan. 1890.] A NEW LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 47 

through the counties of Marin and Monterey, to the north and 
south of San Francisco. While some very interesting linguistic 
results were obtained, some time passed before any clew to the 
Esselen people was secured. 

It is a melancholy fact that in middle California the Indians have 
almost wholly disappeared. Here and there upon the outskirts .of 
some town or in the nooks of some remote cation of the foothills is 
still left an occasional Indian, man or woman, more rarely a family, 
whose identity, however, is so swallowed up by the prevailing Mexi- 
can type that one may spend days in a town inquiring for Indians 
without finding a person who chances to be acquainted with an 
aborigine. There are many Mexicans in middle and southern Cali- 
fornia who socially and physically are not a whit superior to the 
Indian, and in the motley throng the occasional Indian passes un- 
noticed except by the few. Their identity is the more readily lost 
because all of them, without exception,* speak the Mexican dialect 
of Spanish, and never by any chance let fall in public a word of their 
own language ; and indeed why should they ? They are now so few 
in number that the old people rarely have a chance to converse 
together in their native tongue, while the young, who are mostly 
half-breeds, associate chiefly with the Mexicans and never learn the 
language of their fathers. Indeed it is a fact that in a number of 
instances the children of Indian women heard their mother's lan- 
guage for the first time when she repeated words and phrases to me 
for the purpose of notation. 

Failing to discover anyone in San Francisco who knew of the 
whereabouts of Indians in either counties above mentioned, I set 
out for the vicinity of San Rafael Mission, 75 miles to the north. 
Knowing how tenaciously the Indians cling to the neighborhood of 
their former home, I selected this as the most likely spot to find any 
survivors. Not a single Indian, however, lives in or near the town, 
nor could I learn of any in the neighboring towns ; when finally 
I heard of the existence of a few it was on the coast to the north, 
near the entrance of Tomales Bay. Here I found several men and 
two women, from one of whom I obtained an excellent vocabulary 
of the dialect spoken at the Mission. With this I was obliged to 
rest content, as none of the Indians on the Bay knew of others or 
were aware of the existence of any dialect but the one I obtained. 
The interest attaching to the language of this locality is due to the 
fact that its relationship has been the subject of discussion. By sqme 



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48 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [ Vol. III. 

scholars it has been assumed that one linguistic family occupied the 
peninsula north of San Francisco Bay and the whole country coast- 
wise for a considerable distance south and as far east as the head- 
waters of the Moquelumne, Calaveras, Tuolumne, Merced, and 
others. A comparison of vocabularies, now in possession of the 
Bureau, by Mr. Curtin and myself, however, had raised doubts as 
to the correctness of this conclusion. As the result of a study of the 
vocabularly obtained at Tomales Bay with the others from this region 
in possession of the Bureau, and those subsequently obtained at the 
south, I am now convinced that the area in question was formerly 
occupied by two entirely distinct families. 

Subsequently I journeyed to the southward and visited Santa 
Cruz, where formerly was another old mission. Upon the outskirts 
of this town and almost in the shadow of the church — the officiating 
priest of which told me there were absolutely no Indians in the 
neighborhood — I found a little colony of Indians and half-breeds 
who had a respectable knowledge of the dialects formerly spoken by 
the Indians of the locality. To every Indian I met I repeated word 
for word the Esselen vocabularies of Gal iano and Lamanon, but none 
of them recognized the yrords as of a language they ever heard 
spoken. Disappointed, though by no means disheartened, I turned 
to Monterey as the Mecca of my hopes, as there I expected to find 
a considerable number of the once numerous old Mission Indians 
still clinging to the land formerly filled by their fathers. On the con- 
trary, nearly all the Indians have disappeared and a number of days 
passed before I found myself face to face with an aborigine; at the 
present time there are probably not more than half a dozen pure 
bloods found anywhere in this locality. One of the number, an old 
woman of perhaps 65, proved an honest and willing subject and she 
herself volunteered the information I had so long sought. While 
mentioning the names of the rancherias formerly about the mission, 
she spoke of the Esselen tribe as a people who lived to the east and 
south of the Bay and whose language differed entirely from her own, 
the Rumsien. In reply to my eager request to speak a word or two 
of the language she said that if I would give her time to think she 
was certain of her ability to do so, as in early life she had mingled 
much with the tribe, her father having married an Esselen women. 
Believing I had found the long-desired clew I repeated the Esselen 
numerals as given by Galiano and she at once recognized the words 
for one and three. As the result of much hard thinking for several 



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Jan. 1890.] A NEW LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 49 

dayS| she succeeded, with the help of a second old woman, in re- 
calling over 100 words and some 50 short phrases of the language — 
a priceless boon to the linguistic student. Though their study is 
not yet completed they have served to dispel any doubt as to the 
distinctness of the stock they represent. 

Guided by the directions of old Eulalia, I subsequently visited the 
Salinas Valley to the south, in search of two women who had mar- 
ried Mexicans and who she said were of Esselen blood. The mar- 
riage of Mexicans with Indians is usually a very informal sort of 
marriage, and the tie is usually dissolved on short notice at the 
option of one or both parties. Accordingly my endeavor to dis- 
cover these women by hunting up their respective husbands proved 
a wild-goose chase indeed. The Mexican husband was not hard to 
find, and from him I could always learn the name and whereabouts 
of his successor, only to discover that the wife had migrated to 
another settlement or taken up her abode in some distant cafion. 
After much search I found both women, but alas for my hopes, 
neither remembered a word of their own language. At least so they 
said and I was compelled reluctantly to believe them. Both claimed 
to have lived with the Rumsien tribe so long as to have forgotten 
their own tongue. 

However, my search was not entirely unrewarded, for living in 
the same house with one of them was an aged and blind Indian who 
also spoke the Rumsien tongue, but who recalled a few words of 
Esselen and who verified quite a number of those given me by the 
Monterey woman. In addition he gave some valuable facts as to 
the habitat of the tribe. He also told me that five years before an 
Esselen man lived near the adjoining town of Cayucas who really 
spoke the language, not merely a few words of it, but a sufficient 
number to converse. He was the last one who did so, so far as he 
knew. This Esselen went south towards Santa Barbara and had not 
been heard of since. As I myself was in Santa Barbara in 1884 and 
made most careful inquiry as to all the Indians of that vicinity — and 
there are very few of them — it is only too probable that this, the 
last survivor of the Esselen people who spoke his own language has 
gone the way of the rest. As the result, therefore, of my investiga- 
tions I was able to collect no words and 68 phrases and sentences 
of this almost extinct language. Singularly enough these were 
obtained from the lips of an alien people — a sad commentary upon 
the fate that has overtaken some of the American tribes. 
7 



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50 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Omaha Religious Practices. — At the meeting of the Society 
November 5, 1889, Mr. J. Owen Dorsey read an important paper 
on the above subject. 

Mr. Dorsey began with an account of the Omaha invocation to 
the sun, and gave a free translation of the usual formula employed. 
Next came a description of trapping practices. Tobacco was pre- 
sented and prayers were made to the game, trap, medicine or charm, 
pack-strap, chief tent-pole, etc., each object thus addressed being 
personified. 

The Omahas believed in different gods or mysterious powers be- 
fore they learned of our Supreme God, the God of monotheism. 
This is in accord with some of the statements of the late S. R. 
Riggs concerning the Dakotas, and it agrees with what Mr. Dorsey 
had learned from the Ponkas in i872-'73. 

The concluding part of the paper treated of personal mystery 
decorations, and was illustrated by original sketches painted by an 
Omaha. Some of these decorations were worn on garments, others 
appeared on tents. The use of such decorations was restricted to 
members of the different orders of shamans. 

This paper will be published in full in the 8th Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



Eskimo or Indian ? — At the meeting of the Swedish Anthropo- 
logical and Geographical Society on October 10, 1888, a paper was 
read by E. Dahlgren on recent investigations in regard to the voy- 
ages of the old Norsemen to Vinland. The paper was chiefly a 
resume of Professor Storm's **Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, Vin- 
lands Geografi og Ethnografi." 

To Professor Storm's opinion, quoted by the speaker, that the 
** Skralings " met by the Norsemen in America were not Eskimo but 
Indians (Micmacs and Beothuks), Baron Nordenskiold replied that 
he was convinced from his personal acquaintance with Eskimo, as 
well as from a comprehensive study of the older Arctic literature, 
that the *' Skralings " could be nothing but Eskimo. (Yfmr, v. 18, 
pp. xvii-xix.) 

John Murdoch. 



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Jan. 1890.] THE THUNDER-BIRD. 51 



THB THUNDBR-BIRD AMONGST THB ALGONKINB. 

BY A. F. CHAMBERLAIN. 

The interesting article of Rev. Myron Eels in Vol. ii, pp. 329-336, 
has suggested a brief discussion of the same subject with regard to 
the tribes of Algonkian stock amongst which the belief in the thun- 
der-bird appears to be very wide-spread. It is found with the Crees 
of the Canadian Northwest and amongst some of the tribes of Mic- 
mac lineage dwelling near the coast of the Atlantic, on the shores 
of Hudson's Bay, and in the States on the southern banks of Lake 
Superior. The investigation of this peculiar belief must therefore 
cover the whole Algonkian region. 

The Crees believe that certain divine birds cause the lightning by 
the flashings of their eyes, and with their wings make the noise of 
thunder. The thunderbolts are the ** invisible and flaming arrows 
shot by these birds." Hind* speaks of the Plain Indians of the 
Northwest as "anxious and timid during the roll of thunder, invok- 
ing the Great Bird by whose flapping wings they suppose it to be 
produced, or crouching from the blink of his all-penetrating eye, 
which they allege is the lightning's flash." Cognate is the belief of 
the Blackfeet that winds are caused by the flapping of the wings of 
a great bird in the mountains.' 

Among the Algonkian tribes of the Lake Superior region the same, 
or similar, beliefs are current. Rev. John McLean* informs us that 
the Pottowattamies look on one of the high mountain peaks at Thun- 
der Bay as the abode of the thunder, and that at one time a nest 
containing the young thunder-birds was there discovered by them. 

From Rev. E. F. Wilson* we learn that the Ottawas believed the 
thunder was "a great bird which flapped its wings on high over the 

' Lacombe, Diet, dc la Langue dcs Cris (1874), pp. 575, 262. The thunder- 
bird is C9\\td piyesis — f. e., "bird'* — identical with Ojebway binisif Mississagua 
pinesi, IWxnovi pineuseH, OtX&wtL pindst, evidently a common Algonkian word for 
"bird." 

« Narrative of Canad. Explor. Exped. of 1857, etc (i860), ii, p. 144. 

* McLean. The Indians, their Manners and Customs (1889), p. 38. 

*Op. cit., p. 182. 

*Our Forest Children. N. S. No. 1 (July, 1889), p. 5. 



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52 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

earth to guard its inhabitants and to prevent those evil monsters hid- 
den in the bowels of the earth from coming forth to injure them." 

The existence of the thunder-bird tradition among the Ojebways 
of the northern shore of Lake Superior has been confirmed to the writer 
by information from Rev. Allen Salt, a Missidsagua Indian, who has 
frequently visited that region. Regarding the Ojebways (Chippe- 
ways), Rev. Peter Jones^ says " they consider the thunder to be a 
god in the shape of a great eagle that feeds upon serpents, which it 
takes from under the earth." Jones also relates (Op. cit., p. 86) the 
story of an Indian who visited the nest of a thunder-bird om a high 
mountain. He saw bones of serpents scattered about, and noticed 
that ** the bark of the young trees had been peeled off by the young 
thunders trying their arrows before going abroad to hunt serpents.'* 
At another time a party of Indians found a nest on the plains and 
put the young thunder-birds to death, after blinding them with their 
arrows (which, however, were shattered to pieces). All but one of 
the Indians were killed by the old birds on their return. The Ojeb- 
ways believed that the home of the thunder-bird was on the top of 
a high mountain in the West, where it lays jts eggs and hatches its 
young like an eagle. From time to time it sets forth into different 
parts of the earth to search for serpents, which form its food. When 
they saw a thunderbolt strike a tree these Indians believed that the 
thunder '* had shot its fiery arrows at a serpent and caught it up in 
the twinkling of an eye." This belief is confirmed by the evidence 
of the early Jesuit missionary, P^re Buteux*, who relates it in very 
similar terms of the Algonkins of the north shore of the St. Law- 
rence in 1637. The thunder-bird is also known to the Ojebways of 
Red Lake, Minnesota, and figures in their pictographic records.* 

While on a visit to the Mississaguas of Scugog, Ontario, in Au- 
gust, 1888, the writer was told by an aged woman of that tribe the 
following as the ancient belief of her people : " The thunder was 
caused by the flapping of the wings of the great thunder-bird that 
lived up in the sky, and the lightning was caused by the flashings of 
its eyes." A great storm of thunder and lightning was explained 
thus : " The young birds up there in the sky, they are so glad, they 
fly all about and make a great deal of thunder and lightning ; like 
all young people, they are very restless." Not far from the village 

* History of the Ojcbway Indians (1861), p. 8$. 

•Relations des J6suites, Ann^e 1687, P* 53- See also Brinton, Myths of the 
New World (1876), p. 118. 

* Dr. W. J. Hoflfinann, Amer. Anthropologist, i, 225. 



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Jan. 1890.] THE THUNDER-BIRD. . 53 

of Scugog is buried a Mississagua chief, who just before he died called 
out that " I die ! the thunders are coming !'* 

Amongst the Mississaguas and Ojebways, Indians were very often 
named after the "thunders.** At Scugog one of the sons of 
NawlgishkOke (sun in the center of the sky) was named Head 
Thunder, while another Indian was called Osawanimlkl (Yellow 
Thunder). When the Rev. Peter Jones was named, the appellation 
conferred upon him was Kdkiw&kwon&bl (sacred waving-feathers), 
and his tutelary deity was the thunder. " He was given a war-club 
and a bunch of eagle-feathers, symbolical t>f the might and swiftness 
of the eagle-god of thunder.*' ^ 

Among the Passamaquoddy Indians the thunder-birds appear as 
men. Leland' has recorded a legend of this tribe of a man who was 
whirled up into the abode of the thunders and who told what 
he had there seen. The "thunders.** were very like human be- 
ings, used bows and arrows, and had wings which could be re- 
moved or put on as occasion demanded. "The thunder is the 
sound of the wings of the men who fly above. The lightning we 
see is the fire and smoke of their pipes.** These thunder-beings are 
always "trying to kill a big bird in the south.** Here a recol- 
lection of the thunder-bird of other Algonkian people would seem 
to be present. Other " thunder stories *' are given by Leland. Ac- 
cording to another* legend, the giant thunder-spirits, with eye- 
brows of stone and cheeks like rocks, dwell in Mount Katahdin. 
According to another Passamaquoddy legend,* Badawk, the thun- 
der, and Psawk'tankapic, the lightning, are brother and sister, whilst 
the distant rumbling before the thunder-crash is made by the child 
of Badawky to whom his grandfather had fastened wings. This 
child was the offspring of Badawk and an Indian woman. 

The Passamaquoddies also believe that the wind is caused by the 
motions of the wings of " a great bird called by them Wochowsen 
or Wuchowsen, meaning Wind-Blow or the Wind-Blower, who lives 
far to the north and sits upon a great rock at the end of the sky.**' 
This resembles the belief of the Blackfeet, noticed above. 

Leland thinks* that this "Wind-Blower is, as he appears in the 
Passamaquoddy tale, far more like the same bird of the Norsemen 

^ Joum. of Amer. Folk-lore, i, 152. 

* Leland. Algonquin Legends of New' England (1885), pp. 263-266. 
»Op. cit., p. 261. *0p. cit., p. 267. *0p. cit., p. III. 
*0p. cit., p. 113. A similar account of Passamaquoddy beliefs is given in 
Joum. of Amer. Folk-Lore, ii, 230. 



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54 ^ THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

than the grotesque thunder-bird of the Western tribes. * * He seems 
inclined to explain many of the incidents in the " thunder stories ** 
from Eskimo and from Norse mythology. 

It may be, however, that the "wind-blower" and the ** thunder- 
giants ' * are simply the " wind-bird * ' and the '* thunder-birds ' * of the 
Western Algonkian tribes modified to suit circumstance and lo- 
cality. 

This view seems to be confirmed by the statement of Dr. F. V. 
Hayden* respecting the Crees: "Indeed, these Indians do not 
seem to fear any natural phenomena except thunder, which is sup- 
posed to be the screaming and flapping of the wings of a large bird, 
which they represent on their lodges as a great eagle. Wind is sup- 
posed to be produced by its flying, and flashes of lightning are 
caused by the light of the sun reflected from its white and golden 
plumage, and when strokes of lightning are felt they are thunder- 
stones cast down. by this bird. All storms, tornadoes, etc., are 
caused by its wrath, and fair winds, calm and fine weather are re- 
garded as tokens of its good humor.'* Here the wind-bird and the 
thunder-bird are regarded as one, and, as with the Ojebways, the 
bird takes on the form of an eagle in pictography, sculpture, and 
ornament. On the whole, the Algonkian beliefs respecting thunder 
seem more akin to those of the Siouan than of any other Indian 
peoples. With the Tetons the snake appears as the enemy of the 
thunder. Rev. J. Owen Dorsey' thus describes the Teton thunder- 
ers : ** Some of these ancient people still dwell in the clouds. They 
have large, curved beaks, resembling bison humps ; their voices are 
loud, they do not open their eyes wide except when they make light- 
ning, and they have wings. They can kill various mysterious beings, 
as well as human beings. Their ancient foes were the giant rattle- 
snakes and the Un-kche-ghi-la or water monsters, whose bones are 
now found in the bluffs of Nebraska and Dakota.'* In the Omaha 
and Ponka myths thunder-men and thunder-birds appear, and the 
story of a visit to the nest of the thunder-bird is related.' 

A close and detailed comparison of Siouan and Algonkian thun- 
der stories and folk-lore would be of great interest and value, and 
might perhaps shed some light upon the relations of these two great 
peoples in the past. 

* Transactions of Amer. Philos. So<r., vol. xii (N. S.), p. 245. 

* Journal of Amer. Folk- Lore, ii, 135, 136. Compare the Onondaga tale of 
the serpent and the thunderers, ib., i, 46. 

' Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Joum. of American Folk-Lore, i, 75-77. 



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Jan. 1890.] VESPER HOURS OP THi" STOK^ TqE.* " \ fl5 



VESPER HOURS OF THE STONE AQE. 

BY JOHN G. BOURKE. 

Although it is scarcely twenty-one years since I first crossed the 
Missouri river and began ray acquaintance with the then wild tribes 
which roamed the valleys of its great tributaries and those of the 
Rio Grande, the Gila, and the Colorado, the interval has been ex- 
tended enough to see them all not merely subjected to a condition 
of peace, but in most instances notably advanced in the path of 
civilization, their children trained in the white man's ways, and all 
traces of earlier modes of life fast fading into the haze of tradition. 

It may, therefore, not be wholly without interest for an actual 
observer to describe, in a few words, some of the peculiar features of 
the closing hours of the Stone Age. 

Weapons. 

Most of the tribes herein considered were, to an insignificant 
degree, armed with muskets and rifles of old patterns, and occa- 
sionally with revolvers ; but in both war and the chase they were 
mainly dependent upon weapons of their own manufacture. 

Lances, arrows, and clubs were their principal offensive weapons. 
Stone scalping-knives of the broad, leaf-shaped pattern were still 
worn suspended from the neck. 

Such fire-arms as had been obtained were invariably deprived of 
the iron butt-plate and one of the bands, and had the stocks scraped 
down in order to secure a minimum of weight. 

Among the southwestern tribes the stocks were nearly always fan- 
tastically ornamented with brass-headed nails, and, when procurable, 
with the sacred green chalchihuitl^ the gun being looked upon as 
" medicine." In this connection it may be well to observe that the 
Apaches of Arizona, New Mexico, and Sonora were among the first 
people in the world to reload the copper cartridge, which was done 
in a crude and laborious but efficient way by boring a hole in the 
base of the cylinder, inserting the old-fashioned percussion cap, and 
then refilling with powder. 



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56 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. ' [Vol. III. 

The Apache never foiled to provide himself with two willow 
shoots, thirty inches long and half an inch in diameter. These were 
hardened in hot ashes and then peeled. When shooting, the Apache 
would hold these sticks in his left hand, criss-cross, and make a rest 
for his fire-arm. This custom undoubtedly can be traced back t© 
the first appearance of the Spanish arquebuse, which was always fired 
from such a rest. 

Spears, — The lance was made of a staff selected from a suitable 
shoot of the mesca/ (centuxy plant) or the amo/e (soap-weed), ten to 
twelve feet long. This was tipped with a flint barb, two or three 
inches in length by an inch in breadth, sometimes with serrated, 
sometimes with plain edges, fastened to the staff with sinew and gum. 

An improvement upon this was made by inserting an old cavalry 
sabre into the same kind of a shaft and fixing it in place by drawing 
over it and allowing to dry the sexual organ of the domestic bull. 
The penetrative power of the lance was very marked ; the young 
warriors constantly practiced with them, using the vertical giant 
cactus as a target. 

Constant practice in the athletic game of mushka — which was 
practically a feat in lance-throwing, allied to the chunke found under 
various forms in so many parts of the American continent — ^added 
strength and dexterity to the arms of the Apache warriors. I have 
known them to pierce a human victim through the body at one 
thrust, and to transfix a saguara^ or giant cactus, when advancing 
toward it on a run, from a point thirty to forty paces distant. 

Arrows, — The stone tips of the Apache arrows comprehended all 
the forms known to archaeologists : tongue and diamond shaped, 
straight or curved edges, serrated and non-serrated, with and with- 
out tangs. The Apache arrow, it should be stated, was composed 
of three parts : the reed, the stem, and the barb ; the last affixed to 
the stem and the stem inserted into the reed, and both firmly held in 
place by ligatures of sinew. The stem was made of a hard wood 
called kiong, the shaft of the carrizo or kloki. The use of sinew 
for securing the barb to the stem was believed to be based upon the 
fact that after the arrow had entered the body the warm blood flow- 
ing from the wound would soften and loosen the sinew, disengage 
the point, and increase the discomfort, pain, and danger of the 
victim. 

Arrows intended simply for the killing of birds or small game 
were not always barbed, but were generally provided with a cross- 
piece about two inches below the tip. 



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Jan. 1890.] VESPER HOURS OF THE STONE AGE. 57 

Bows, — The bow was made almost always of the tough, elastic 
mountain mulberry, called, par excellence, iltin or bow-wood. 
Occasionally, the cedar was employed, but bows of horn, such as 
were to be seen among the Crows and other tribes of the Yellowstone 
region, were not to be found among the Apaches and, their neigh- 
bors in Arizona. 

The elasticity of the fiber was increased by liberal applications of 
bear or deer fat, and on rare occasions sinew was glued to the back 
. for the same purpose. 

The rule laid down by the Apaches for making their bows and 
arrows was the following : The length of the bow, or rather of the 
string, should be eight times the double span from thumb to little 
finger of the warrior using it. The curvature of the bow was de- 
termined almost entirely by individual strength or caprice. The 
shaft should equal in length the distance from the owner's armpit to 
the extremity of his thumbnail, measured on the inner side of his 
extended arm. The stem should project beyond the reed to a dis- 
tance equal to the span covered by the thumb and index finger ; this 
measurement included the barb, when made of sheet-iron. The iron 
barb itself should be as long as the thumb, from the end to the 
largest joint. 

Stone arrow-heads were made preferably of obsidian {dolguint), 
next of chalcedony, lastly of pieces of beer bottles, but the process 
of manufacture was in each case the same, and consisted in chipping 
small fragments from the edges of suitable pieces of material, the 
chipping implement being a portion of hardened deer or elk horn, 
held in the right hand, the silicious stone being held in the left over 
a flap of buckskin to protect the fingers. Four or even five arrows 
could be discharged with a rapidity equal to or even greater than 
that of the firing of the same number of shots from the old-fashioned 
revolver. 

I made it my business to determine exactly how many minutes 
were requisite for making a serviceable arrow-head. I singled out 
an Apache at random and stipulated that he should employ no tools 
of iron, but allowed him to gather from the ground such pieces of 
chalcedony as he pleased. He made a number of barbs, the time 
as recorded in my note-book being five, six, seven, and eight 
minutes. An expert would have completed the barbs in less time ; 
but the problem was to determine how long it would take Apache 
Indians, whose village had been captured and destroyed by troops, 
8 



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58 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

to provide themselves anew with weapons which would render them 
a menace to the scattered settlements of the frontier. 

A good lance-head could not be perfected quite so soon. It could 
be made in a very short time, but in exactly how many minutes I 
am unable to say. 

The Apaches have a myth which states that they overcame all the 
tribes in their path because the god, To-va-dis-chinni (** The Mist 
Rising from the Water*'), placed them in a reed swamp and gave 
them pieces of obsidian as tips for their arrows. When read between 
the lines this myth relates an important truth : The Apaches did 
subdue or drive the other tribes before them on account of having 
better arrows, made as described. 

Feather ir^, — At the lower end of the shaft were three half feathers 
of a hawk, fastened at each end with sinew, and in the direction of 
the axis. Each feather was as long as the inner seam of the second 
finger. No rule was found for placing the slot of the arrow, and in 
the same quiver I have found some in which the slot was in the same 
plane with the barb and in others perpendicular to it. These rules 
of measurement apply only to this particular class of arrows. 

I am able, from my own recollection, to supply a number of illus- 
trations of the great force with which the arrow was discharged, 
although a person for the first time observing an arrow coming 
towards him would be surprised at its apparent lethargy. In the 
summer of 187 1 I was riding by the side of General Crook, on the 
summit of the elevated plateau known as the Mogollon Mountains, 
in Arizona. We were a short distance ahead of a large column of 
cavalry, and our immediate party was quite small. We ran into an 
Apache ambuscade ; a number of arrows were discharged, two of 
them piercing pine trees to a depth of at least six inches. On 
another occasion a pine door, three-eighths of an inch thick, was 
penetrated. In July, 1870, a friend of mine, M. T. Kennedy, was 
mortally wounded by an Apache arrow which pierced his chest. 
The autopsy disclosed the fact that the arrow had no head. 

The Apaches poisoned their arrows by rolling the stem in deer 
liver which an enraged rattlesnake had been made to bite. Their 
efficacy was more imaginary than real, because I have seen dogs, 
pigs, birds, horses, mules, and human beings wounded by such 
poisoned arrows and canndt recall the slightest increased danger or 
even the slightest additional inflammation from wounds made by 
them. 



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Jan. 1890.] VESPER HOURS OP THE STONE AGE. 59 

From their tenderest years Apache youth were trained with bow 
and arrow as with the larice, and, as a consequence, they attained 
a marvelous precision and rapidity in their use. 

S/ings. — In the use of the sling the Apaches were inferior to the 
Yumas, the reason being that the Yumas lived in the Colorado bot- 
tom which is filled with inexhaustible quantities of smooth, round, 
water-worn pebbles, admirably adapted for missiles. 

The Apache were also expert in throwing stones, and often killed 
quail and turkeys with pebbles. 

War-clubs. — The war-club of the Apache was an admirable 
weapon : a stone of suitable size and shape was sewed up in a cow's 
tail ; then a space of four inches was left in the tail, and lastly, a 
round stick was sewed in to give strength and rigidity and to serve 
as a handle. The hair was left pendant, as it kejJt the hand from 
losing its hold when covered with human blood. 

There was a radical difference between the Apache type of war- 
club and that of the macan of the Pimas, Maricopas, Yumas, 
Chemahuevis, Cocopahs, Opatas, and others. These macanes, or 
"potato-mashers," as the soldiers used to call them, are well de- 
scribed by their nickname. They were made, ordinarily, of the 
hard and close-grained wood of the mesquite and were a very effec- 
tive weapon at close quarters. 

By all these tribes the war-club was used in the same manner. 
Having located a rancheria, or village, of their enemies, they would 
surround it at night and when light first appeared in the east would 
raise a yell, shrill and unmistakable in its blood-curdling significance. 
The terror-stricken foe, rushing out pell-mell from their ii^xXjacales 
were obliged to go down on their hands and knees to get out of the 
low openings. Crouched in this defenseless position, they would 
hardly have protruded their heads, when crack ! would come the * 
macan or war-club of the blood-thirsty assailants. 

The Pimas and Maricopas used to be greatly addicted to plunder- 
ing, in which they rivalled the Prussians. Almost the moment a 
hostile rancheria was attacked, pillaging began. 

Blow-gun.— \viQ^\xy was made among the Apaches in regard to 
another peculiar implement of war, the blow-gun of the tribes of the 
Orinoco and Essequibo, called '' cerhatana '' by the first Spanish 
explorers. It is not unlikely that the Apaches were once familiar 
with some form of the blow-gun, because their children occasionally 
make use of a toy constructed on the same principle; but nothing 



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60 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

definite on this head could be extracted from them. The blow-gun 
is still in use among the Cherokees of the mountains of North Caro- 
lina, from whom I obtained one last summer. 

Boomerang. — By many, if not all the tribes surrounding the 
Apaches, the boomerang has been used from time immemorial in 
hunting the jack-rabbit and the field-rat. The Apache secures these 
toothsome viands by other means, and has no use for the boom- 
erang. A form of the boomerang, studded with cruel teeth of 
obsidian, has been described by the early Spanish writers under the 
name of maquahuitl. It is said to have been a formidable war im- 
plement of the tribes of Anahuac and of those living near the Rio 
Grande, who could cut off a man's head with it. Not the slightest 
knowledge of this weapon exists among the Apaches of our day, and 
there are no references to it in their traditions or myths. But I 
heard something of a former use of the maquahuitl among the Rio 
Grande pueblos, and was assured by an old Indian, of Taos, New 
Mexico, that there was in that town at the time of my visit a weapon 
of this description, but the assertion was not verified. This old 
Indian insisted that a man's head could be cut off with this weapon, 
unconsciously corroborating the old Spanish story. Some of the 
bands of Siouan stock, on the Upper Missouri, retained a modifica- 
tion of the maquahuitl until within very recent times. It was a sort 
of tomahawk with long, sharp teeth of steel. 

Shields. 

Shields, made of the hide of the buffalo's neck, were still in 
general use. A hole was dug in the ground and filled with hot 
embers, over which was strewn a layer of earth. A piece of hide of 
the requisite size and shape, or rather of a little larger size than was 
strictly necessary, because shrinkage had to be allowed for, was next 
pegged down to the ground, covering the improvised oven ; then 
came another layer of earth and a top layer of hot coals ; the effect 
being that the hide was slowly and evenly baked and hardened 
without being burned or cracked, and was made capable of resisting 
the old-fashioned, round, leaden pistol or musket bullet. When 
ornamented with the owner's totem and gaily decked with eagle 
feathers which serve the triple purpose of decoration, of frightening 
the enemy's horses, and, as the savages thought, of resisting arrows, 
the shield was pretty to look upon and a good means of protection 
from the missiles of past eras. 



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Jan. 1890.] VESPER HOURS OF THE STONE AGE. 61 

Mortars, &c. 

There were various forms of metates, mortars, and mullers for 
grinding acorns, mesquite beans, grass seeds, and paint. Fre- 
quently rocks in situ, provided with suitable depressions on their 
surface, were so used. Such were the rocks in the Gila Cafion, at 
the B2l-bi-tui or Coyote Springs, in Pinal Creek, and elsewhere. 

Stone mortars of great size were once to be found in Green Val- 
ley, where they formed the mills of the Apaches for grinding acorns 
so abundant there. Whether or not these belonged originally to a 
people of Pueblo type whom the Apaches displaced, cannot now be 
determined. The mortars themselves have all disappeared, having 
been carried off by American miners in which to crush auriferous rock. 

No time need be spent in describing the stones used in heating 
vessels of grass and palmilla — those for heating the ta-a-chi or sweat 
baths, or those for cooking mescal — except to say that they were 
always selected from silicious rock, which would not split under 
high temperatures. 

BORING-TOOL. 

With an ordinary arrow held between the hands and revolved 
vertically the Apaches bored holes in beads. A bead of chalchihuitl 
was made in my presence under circumstances of great disadvantage 
in a trifle less than twenty-six minutes. 

Fire-stick. 

In the butt of the lance-staff" a hole was bored and to it was attached 
by a string, the essential fire-stick, because matches were as yet 
scarcely known. The time required for making fire by this method, 
according to my personal observation, ranged from eight to forty- 
seven seconds; but the Apaches assured me that they could make it, 
under the most favorable circumstances, by running their hands 
down the vertical stick only once, which would occupy not quite 
two seconds as recorded on the watch. A sprinkling of sand in- 
creased friction and hastened the process very much. Two things 
are worthy of mention while speaking of this subject : the great 
volume of smoke that issued from the point of contact of the sticks 
and the total absence of flame. 

Amulets. 

All the American aborigines used stones as amulets. The most 
familiar examples are the arrow and lance heads which had once 



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62 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOaiST. [Vol. III. 

killed enemies, or, in the hands of the enemy, had failed to kill the 
owner himself. Two or three arrow-heads were appended to the 
necklace of human fingers which I secured during a fight with the 
Cheyennes of northern Wyoming during the winter of 1876, and 
which has since been deposited in the National Museum. The in- 
formation obtained in regard to these was always vague and far from 
satisfactory, but better fortune attended my investigations into the 
nature and uses of the "medicine arrows" worn by the women 
among the. Apaches and Pueblos. I have the only one of these ever 
given into the keeping of a civilized man. It had been worn for 
years by Tze-go-ju-ni ("Pretty Mouth*'), an Apache squaw who 
claimed great skill as a midwife, and was in the habit of administer- 
ing a pinch of powdered arrow in water in cases of painful gestation 
and protracted labor. She explained that whenever lightning hap- 
pened to fell a pine tree on the top of a high mountain, the medi- 
cine men would hunt around to see if there was any rock at the foot 
of the blasted trunk which would yield fire when struck. Such 
quartz veins are, of course, common enough, and the only thing 
that remains to be done is to shape a piece of the stone into a lance- 
head. 

One of these " medicine arrows*' was seen by me in the Pueblo 
of Acoma, New Mexico, in 1886. The woman who owned it 
acknowledged that its uses were identical with those of the same 
amulet among the Apaches, but absolutely refused to sell or trade 
upon any terms. 

Just such amulets, endowed with the same virtues, have been em- 
ployed all over the world, in Europe as well as in Asia, in early times 
as well as in our own day. 

A chapter of references to this topic has been compiled from vari- 
ous authorities in the course of my studies and will soon be pub- 
ished. I wish only to add, at this time, that the "elf shots'* of 
he European peasantry may fairly be placed in the same category. 

Garcilasso de la Vega, in his " Commentarios Reales,** made the 
curious statement that in Peru, whenever lightning stfuck a tree, the 
priests were careful to mark the spot to prevent the people from 
approaching and incurring the displeasure of supernatural powers. 

In the new light thrown upon this matter by Tze-go-ju-niy it is not 
at all unlikely that Garcilasso de la Vega, who was less than thirteen 
years of age when he left Peru, was entirely in error, and that what 
the priests really intended to do in such cases was to preserve the 
stricken trees for the manufacture of amulets and talismans. 



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Jan. 1890.] VKSPER HOURS OF THE STONE AGE. 63 

The worship of stones was still further developed among the 
Apaches. I have been taken by these Indians to one of their sacred 
caves in the Ton to Basin in which was a stone phallus ; in another 
the medicine men had danced and sung around stalactites and 
stalagmites which yielded musical resonance under the sturdy blows 
of their clubs. I did not see this dance, but the natives who con- 
ducted me to the cave, and whom I found to be perfectly reliable, 
showed me the stones and the places where the medicine men stood. 

The sacred stone-heaps described in all other parts of the world 
are frequent in Arizona where the Apaches call them *' tze-nachie'^ 
I have prayed, cast stones upon these heaps, spat upon grass, blown 
my breath, and made a little backward jump precisely as the Apaches 
instructed me to do ; but as this article has already exceeded the 
limits originally intended, and as it is trenching upon the more 
strictly religious side of Apache life, I will reserve further informa- 
tion for treatment under that head. 



The Tonocotes of South America. — One of the most numer- 
ous nations of Indians in the Tucuman region of Spanish South 
America were the so-called Tonocotes or Toconote tribes, mainly to 
be found near the upper parts of the rivers Salado and Vermepo. 
In some extraordinary manner their nation and their language 
seemed to have slipped out of the memory of all concerned until 
about the middle of last century Father Machoni, of the Society of 
Jesus, wrote his curious work on the so-called Lule and Tonocote 
language. Hervas, in his famous Catdiogs de ies LenguaSy has ques- 
tioned the correctness of the hypothesis that Machoni's Tonocote 
represents the Tonocote ot the early Missionary Fathers, &c., and 
it seems that Jolis, in his book on the Chaco, expressed the same 
opinion, and there the matter has pretty well rested until the present 
day. Late investigations, however, seem to point in another direc- 
tion and confirm Hervas* and Jolis' doubts. 

Machoni certainly does not say his dialect is Tonocote, he only 
mentions the fact that these Indians left Tucuman and went to the- 
far north, and as he had discovered these strange Indians speaking 
a language very different from that of the surrounding Chaco nations, 
he allowed his readers to infer that it must be Lule-Tonocote. So 
far no so-called Lule-Tonocote grammars or vocabularies have turned 
up, and it is evident they had already been lost even before 



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64 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Machoni's time, and so he started or rather allowed others to start 
the hypothesis that an unknown lost language must coincide with an 
unknown found language. 

I have now been able to ascertain that the Tonocotes must have 
been Mataco Indians, tribes which still swarm in all the upper region 
of the Vermepo and Pilcomayo rivers, and that the original Lule 
tribes were so called by the Matacos because they found them 
occupying the country when they immigrated into it. Lule is a 
Mataco combined word meaning — the inhabitants. Lules were the 
hill-tribes of the Anconquija range and spoke Cacan, a language in 
process of being restored to the knowledge of South American 
philologists. Matacos, like all the Chaco dialects of the Abipon 
type, use prefixed particles mainly, Machoni's Lules and Tonocotes 
suffix them, so that the two groups belong to different families. 

The above remarks are a summary of an essay I am preparing on 
the ethnology of the Argentine Republic, or rather of the basin of 
the River Plate. Hervas and Machoni's books are easily obtained 
and any one interesting himself in the subject can read up what 
those authors have to say about Lule-Tonocotes. It is very possible 
that Machoni's Lule-Tonocotes, together with the Vilela and 
Chulupl or Chunupl tribes, may be a remnant of the older race 
which occupied the country at the time of the great Caribic invasion 
some 2000 years ago. 

Hoping you may find the above of some interest, I remain very 

truly yours, 

Sam'l a. Lafone Quevede. 

Buenos Ayres, October 2p, i88g. 



Arrow-Head Making. — In Ymer, the journal of the Swedish 
Anthropological and Geographical Society of Stockholm (v. i8, 
1888, pp. I, II), are notes on ethnographic observations made dur- 
ing a passage through the Straits of Magellan on the Swedish frigate 
Vanadis, by Dr. Hj. Stolpe. 

One of the most interesting things in the article is the description 
of the manufacture of arrow-heads of glass obtained from bottles of 
European manufacture. ** . . . the bit of glass is wrapped in 
the common cloak of guanaco-skin and roughly shaped by biting. 
The arrow-head is then finished by flaking with an albatross-bone. * ' 

John Murdoch. 



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Jan. 1890.] FIGHT WITH THE GIANT WITCH. 65 



THB FiaHT WITH THE aiANT WITCH.* 

BY GARRICK MALLERY. 

This Abnaki myth or folk-tale was communicated to me by Mrs. 
W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, by whom and her husband 
(who for a number of years was superintendent of the Passamaquoddy 
branch of the Abnaki at its reservation) it was translated. They 
gave to me many other mythic tales of the tribe which, like this one, 
are very different in spirit from those published in Mr. Charles J. 
Leland's work entitled ''Algonquin Legends," although that work 
deals exclusively with the Abnaki, and the Micmacs, their next 
neighbors and congeners. As these tribes together form but a small 
part of the Algonquin linguistic family, the title of the work, " Al- 
gonquin Legends,'* is much too comprehensive. 

After two field-seasons spent among the two tribes mentioned, it 
was apparent to me that a full and unselected collection of their 
myths and tales would not exhibit the peculiarly harsh and violent 
character assigned to them by Mr. Leland, which peculiarity is ex- 
plained by him on a theory of Scandinavian influence. The facts 
do not require any such explanation. The myths of those tribes 
are similar in their essential character, and indeed in many of their 
details, to those of other bodies of Indians throughout the northern 
and inland parts of the United States between whom and the Scan- 
dinavians contact has never been suggested. It is also a fact that 
the Abnaki and Micmac are now, and have been during historic 
times, more gentle than most of the Indian tribes. 

In the present story the active work of poohegans or attendant 
daimons, translated as "guardian spirits,*' will be noticed, and 
their combats. They were generally animals, more properly the 
archetypes or ultimate progenitors of the particular animals. The 
one poohegan, whose name is, perhaps with too great metaphysi- 
cal signification, translated "Thought," may refer to the crude 
idea of spiritual communication at a distance, which was common 
among the Indians and for which modem mystics have several terms. 

*Read before the Society. 



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66 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The information afforded by visions in dreams also appears. The 
word translated as ** Fairy " is probably applicable to one of the 
"little people," which supernatural race is often the subject of 
western as of eastern story. 

The daimon called " Disease '* affords an illustration of the com- 
mon Indian doctrine that all diseases were unnatural — that is, super- 
natural, and were the work of malign beings. 

A PASSAMAQUODDY MYTH. 

Many, many, long years ago, there dwelt in a large cave in the 
interior of a great mountain an old man who was a Keewauk-M*- 
telolen or Giant Witch. 

Near the mountain was a large Indian village the chief of which 
was named Hass-ag-wauk, the Striped Squirrel. Every few days 
some of the chief's best warriors mysteriously disappeared from the 
tribe. Hass-ag-wauk soon became convinced that they had been 
killed by the Giant Witch and he called a council of all the noted 
witches who possessed the greatest power. They gathered together 
in a new strong wigwam made for that purpose. There were ten of 
them in all, named Quar-beet, the Beaver ; Moosque, the Wood- 
worm ; Quag-sis, the Fox ; K'cheattosis, the Serpent ; Eag-winn, 
the Loon ; Cosque, the Crane ; Moo-in, the Bear ; Lox, the Devil ; 
K'che-pelogan, the Eagle ; Wabb-tek, the Wild-goose. 

The great chief Hass-ag-wauk addressed the witches and told them 
that he hoped that they might be able to conquer the Giant Witch, 
and that if possible it must be done at once or his tribe would be 
exterminated. The witches resolved that they would commence 
the battle the next night and use their greatest powers to kill the 
Giant Witch. Now the Giant Witch could foretell all his troubles 
by his dreams, and on that very night he dreamed of all the plans 
which the witches contemplated for his destruction. Now all In- 
dian witches have poohegans or guardian spirits. The Giant Witch 
sent one his poohegans, little Al-umusett or the Humming-bird, to 
the Chief Hass-ag-wauk telling him that it would not be fair to send 
ten to fight one, but that if he would send one witch at a time he 
would be pleased to meet them. The chief sent word in return 
that the witches would meet him in battle one at time. The next 
night the witches met as appointed, as soon as the sun slept, and 
it was agreed that the Beaver should fight first. Now the Beaver 
had So-ga-lum or Rain for his poohegan and he caused a great 



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Jan. 1890.] FIGHT WITH THE GIANT WITCH. 67 

flood to come and fill up the cave where the Giant Witch lived and 
by this means hoped to drown him. But the Giant Witch had the 
power to change himself into a Sequapp Squtten or Lamper Eel and 
held fast on to the side of his cave and thus escaped. The Beaver, 
thinking that the Giant Witch was probably drowned, swam down 
into the cave and got caught in a k*pagu-teehegan or beaver-trap 
which the Giant Witch had purposely set for him. Thus the Beaver 
is conquered. The next witch to fight is Moosque, the Wood- 
worm, whose poohegan is Fire. The Wood-worm told Fire that he 
would bore a hole down into the cave that night and that on the next 
night he wanted Fire to go down into the hole and by this means 
burn the Giant Witch. The Wood -worm went to work and with 
his sharp head and by whirling himself around like a screw soon 
made a deep hole in the side of the mountain, but the Giant Witch 
knew what was going on and he sent his poohegan, Humming-bird, 
with a piece of cheequaqu-seque, punk, and put a plug in the hole 
so tight that the Wood-worm could not get back and the next night 
when Fire went into the hole he set fire to the punk and burnt up 
Moosque, the Wood-worm, and thus perished the second witch. 

The next witch to fight was K*cheattosis, the Serpent. He had 
Hummewess, the Bee, for his poohegan. The Bee called all of 
the bees together and they went into the cave and swarmed all over 
the Giant Witch, which made him roar with pain; but he sent the 
Humming-bird and collected a lot of birch bark and set it on fire 
which made a dense smoke and stifled all the bees. After waiting 
some time the witch, Serpent, went into the cave to see if the bees 
had killed the Giant Witch, but he got caught in a dead-fall which 
the Giant Witch had prepared for him. The chief Hass-ag-wauk was 
now almost discouraged at having lost three of his best witches 
without accomplishing anything ; but seven more remained. The 
next witch to fight was Quagsis, the Fox. His poohegan was K*see- 
no-ka. Disease, and he sent him to afflict the Giant Witch with all 
kinds of sickness and he was soon covered with sores and boils and 
every part of his body was filled with aches and pains, but he sent 
his poohegan, Humming-bird, to Quilip-hoit, the god of medicine, 
who gave him the plant Kee-ka)nvee-N*bisoon, which as soon as it was 
administered to the Giant Witch immediately cured him of all his 
diseases. The next witch to fight was Eagwin, the Loon, whose 
poohegan was T*ka-iou, Cold. In a short time the mountain was 
covered with snow and ice and the cave was filled with cold blasts 



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68 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

of wind, the frost cracked the trees and broke asunder the great 
stones. The Giant Witch suffered terribly, but did not become 
discouraged. He tried his magic stone and heated it red hot, but 
it was so cold that it had lost its power and could not help him. 
Alumusett, the Humming-bird, had both wings frozen and could 
not be sent on any more errands ; but one of the Giant Witch's 
best poohegans was Lithuswagon or Thought, and he sent him like 
a flash to Sou-nessen, the South Wind, to come to his aid. In a short 
time the warm South Wind began to blow around the mountain, 
and the cold was obliged to disappear from the cave. The next 
witch to fight was Cosque, the Crane, whose poohegan was Kee- 
wauk, the Giant-with-a-heart-of-ice, who soon went to work with 
his big stone hatchet and chopped down all the trees and tore up 
the rocks and commenced to cut a large hole into the solid rocks 
in the side of the mountain, but the Giant Witch, now for the first 
time, let loose his great and terrible dog M'dasmoose, who barked so 
loudly and attacked Kee-wauk so fiercely that he was frightened off". 
The next witch to fight was Mooin, the Bear, whose poohegan was 
Badogiek, Thunder, and Pa-sock-way-tuck, Lightning. Soon a great 
thunder-storm took place which shook the whole mountain and a 
thunder-bolt split the mouth of the cave in two. The lightning 
flashed into the cave and nearly blinded the Giant Witch who was 
now terribly frightened for the first time and he cried with pain 
for he was badly burned by the lightning ; but the Thunder and 
Lightning redoubled their strength and filled the cave with fire. 
The Giant Witch was now greatly alarmed and quickly sent the 
Humming-bird to summon Haplebemlo, the Great Bull-frog, to 
come to his aid. He soon came and spit out his great mouth full 
of water which nearly filled the cave and extinguished the fire and 
drove off Thunder and Lightning. The next witch to fight was 
Lox, the Indian devil. Now Lox was always a coward and when 
he learned of the misfortune of the other witches he cut off one of 
his big toes and when the great chief Hass-ag-wauk called him to go 
fight he made the excuse that he was lame and could not go. The 
next witch to fight was K'chee-pe-logan, the Eagle, whose poohegan 
was Applaus-um-luessit, the Whirl-wind. When he went to the 
cave of the Giant Witch with all his fury and violence and noise 
he awoke the Giant Witch who had been asleep and who at once 
k'pla-moosooke or lost his breath and was unable to speak, but he 
made signs to the Humming-bird to go for Cul-loo the chief of all 



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Jan. 1890.] FIGHT WITH THE GIANT WITCH. 69 

great birds, but the wind blew with such strength that the Hum- 
ming-bird could not get out of the mouth of the cave but was 
always driven back again. The Giant Witch now sent his poohegan 
Thought, to command Cul-loo to come to his assistance. In a 
moment the Great Bird came and made such a great wind with his 
wings at the mouth of the cave that the power of the Whirl-wind 
was useless. The Chief Hass-ag-wauk now became discouraged as 
but one more witch remained to fight and this was Wabb-tek or 
Wild Goose, who was a very quiet and clever fellow and never quar- 
reled with any one and was not regarded as a powerful warrior. 
Now the chief had a dream in which he saw a great giant, who 
stood before the mouth of the Giant Witch's cave and was so tall 
that he reached from the earth to the sky, and he said that all that 
all that was necessary to do to destroy the Giant Witch was to have 
some young woman to entice him out of his cave when he would 
lose his power and that he, the giant, would then kill him. The 
Chief Hass-ag-wauk told his dream to the witch Wabb-tek, Wild- 
goose, and ordered him to do as he had been told to do in the 
dream. Now the Wild-goose had for his poohegan Mickum-wiss or 
a Fairy, who changed himself into a beautiful young woman and 
went to the mouth of the cave and got up into a large hemlock tree 
and sang a song : 

Come to me young man ! 
Come hear my sweet song ! 
Come out this beautiful evening — 
Come on this beautiful mountain — 
Come see the leaves so red ! 

The Giant Witch soon heard the singing and came to the mouth of 
the cave, and was so fascinated by the singing that he came out of 
the cave and saw a very beautiful young woman up in the tree who 
said to him, '*W*litthodd m'on nachi-pen-equlin w'liketuqu he 
moos,'* "Please, kind old man, help me down this tree.'* As soon 
as he came near the tree Gloos-cup, the great king of all men, 
dodged from behind the tree and threw his stone hatchet at him and 
split his head open. Then Gloos-cup addressed the Giant Witch 
and told him, *' You have been a wicked bad witch and have de- 
stroyed nearly all of the Chief Hass-ag-wauk* s best warriors. Now 
speak once more and tell what you have done with the bones of your 
victims.'* The Giant Witch replied that in the hollow of that 
mountain could be found an immense heap of human bones which 



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70 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

was all that remained of what were once the great warriors of Hass-ag- 
wauk's tribe. As soon as he was dead Gloos-cup summoned together 
all the beasts of the forest and all the birds of the air to come 
together and eat the body of the Giant Witch. Then Gloos-cup 
ordered the beasts to go into the cave and bring forth the bones of 
the dead warriors, which they did ; then told the birds to take each 
a bone in their mouths and pile them together at the village of the 
Chief Hass-ag-wauk. Then Gloos-cup ordered the Chief to build a 
wall of large stones around the heap of bones and cover them with 
wood and make equnak'n, the hot bath. 

Then Gloos-cup set the wood on fire and commenced to sing his 
magic song. Then he ordered more wood to be put on the fire and 
water to be poured on the heated stones. Gloos-cup sang louder 
and faster imtil his voice skook the whole village and he ordered 
the people to close their ears or his voice would kill them. Then 
Gloos-cup redoubled his voice and the bones began to move by the 
heat and began to sizzle and make a peculiar sound. Then Gloos- 
cup sang his resurrection song in a low voice. At last the bones 
began to sing with Gloos-cup and he sprinkled on more water and 
the bones came together in their natural places and soon became 
natural human beings again. The people were amazed at Gloos- 
cup' s power and the Chief Hassag-wauk gathered all the neighbor- 
ing tribes together and celebrated the great event with the Resurrec- 
tion feast which lasted for many days, and the tribe of Chief Hass-ag- 
wauk was never troubled by evil witches forever afterwards. 



Rig Veda Americana. — Under the above title Dr. Brinton an- 
nounces a volume on the sacred songs of the ancient Mexicans. It 
will be supplied with a gloss in Nahuatl and be edited with a para- 
phrase, notes, and vocabulary by himself. Dr. Brinton considers 
these songs the most ancient authentic examples of American litera- 
ture in existence. Besides the light they throw upon Mexican 
religious thought and mythology they illustrate the archaic form 
and sacred locutions of the language. The book will be published 

by subscription ; price, I3. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



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Jan. 1890.] OMAHA CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS. 71 



OMAHA CLOTHING AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS. 

BY J. OWEN DORSEY. 

The material for this article was collected by me on the Omaha 
reservation, in 1 878-' 80, and revised in the summer of 1882, with 
the assistance of two Omahas, two Crows, and the late Joseph La 
Fltehe. 

Garments were usually made by the women, while the men made 
their weapons. 

Men's Clothing. 

Some of the Omaha and Ponka (whose customs resemble those of 
the Omaha) have adopted the dress of the white men. The ancient 
dress consisted of buffalo robes, breech-cloths, leggings, and mocca- 
sins. Shirts were not worn. Blankets have been introduced by 
traders and the Indian Bureau. There is no distinction between 
the dress of dignitaries and that of the common people. Several 
kinds of face and head coverings were used. In cold weather they 
used to wear the 7> in-de ha wa-dha-gey a hat made of the black 
hair which grows on the face of the buffalo near the chin. This hat 
was worn over the head and face. Another protection for the face 
and ears was made of the skin of a wild cat. The skin was tanned 
and whitened. 

Min-gha-san nin-du-dhi'Se wa-dha-ge was a hat made of the 
feathers of the brant from the middle of the body to the tail-feathers 
inclusive. This hat was worn occasionally by those who went on 
the war-path and not at other times. 

Ma-shu-pa-gdhan is a cap made of the tail-feathers of eagles. It 
extends down the back, nearly to the feet. 

Khi'dha wa-dha-ge or Khi-dha dha-ge of the Omaha and Ponka 
{Khu-yU'lafi'ge of the Kansa), is a cap made of the entire eagle-skin. 

Te-zhin-hin-de wa-dha-ge, a turban made of yarn and beads, is of 
modem origin, and is worn for ornament, as in the dances. 

Ta-hin wa-gdhaity a head-dress used by the Omaha, Ponka, Iowa, 
and Oto, was made of a deer's tail ornamented with peacock's 
feathers and the rattles of snakes. This and the " Crow " were re- 



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72 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

wards of bravery and were worn during the He-dhu'Shka and scalp 
dances. * 

Ka-ghe mugdhan ox "Crow." This was made on two parallel 
sticks and was covered with porcupine work. On one side hung 
the ibe or tail of a crow, while from the other was suspended the 
tail of a coyote. Both sticks were fastened to a belt and projected 
out from the back of the wearer. 

Masks were used by the young men when they entered lodges to 
beg. They were made of bladders softened by pulling with the 
hands, and they had holes for the mouth, eyes, and nostrils. 

Belts were formerly made of any kind of skin procurable, as of the 
buffalo, deer, or antelope. Since the advent of the white man, 
these Indians have made two other kinds of belts, the ha i-gdha-ze 
and the U-zhin-hin-de i-pi-dha-ge. The former is made of strands of 
wa-hati or yam, which are interwoven. The latter is made of yarn 
in like manner, but with beads strung on as described by Dougherty 
in his account of the Omahas.' 

**In the manufacture of this common and much admired article 
of dress, ten double threads are attached by one end to a small wang 
(wahan', J. O. D.) or shreads of leather (j/V), which is firmly 
stretched and fixed transversely to the work; each double thread is 
placed at such a distance from the adjoining ones as to give room 
for the beads. These are then strung on, one on each double 
thread. By this operation a transverse row of beads is formed upon 
the work parallel to the wang. This being done, the left double 
thread is passed to the right, not over and under, but through all 
the double threads, parallel to and in contact with the beads, and in 
this position occupies the situation of woof or filling ; but its ex- 
tremity is continued along on the right side of the work, so as to 
resume, in that portion of its length, the character of warp or chain. 
Another row of beads is now put on ; after which the next left-hand 
double thread is passed through each of the others to the right of 
the work, as the previous one had been." 

Breech-cloths were made of deer-skin or antelope-skin, but now 
a piece of an old blanket is generally used for that purpose. 

Robes (wa-/V) were made during the winter, because the winter 
skins or me-ha had thick hair. The string for fastening the robe 
around the neck was called the in-ke-gdhe-shtah-gay a name now 

^See p. 329, " Om. Soc," in 3d Eth. Kept. 

« In Long*s Expedition to the Rocky Mts., Vol. I, p. 286-7. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Jan. 1890.] OMAHA CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS. 73 

given to buttons. Robes were worn with the hair out by chiefs and 
others on special occasions. These robes were often decorated on 
the smooth side with blue, red, and black lines, forming various 
designs, some of which referred to past events in the life of the 
wearer. 

Mittens were made of buffalo hides that had thick hair, but now 
some of them are of elk-skin. They were short and rounded a little 
at the top. They were worn only by the aged men and women. 

Foot Coverings, — Under the moccasins and next to the feet were 
the native htn-b/ gd-win-ghe^ made of buffalo hair taken from the 
head, or of red grass which had been pulled in the hands till it be- 
came soft. This hair or grass was wrapped round and round {jga- 
wifi'ghe) the feet previous to putting on the moccasins. Even when 
the grass became wet it was still a good covering. Since these 
Indans have encountered the white men they have in some cases 
adopted the socks and stockings, which they now call hin-be ga- 
win-ghe. 

Moccasins were called hin-be or han-be. These are distinguished 
from those of other tribes by the shape of the sole, the number and 
positions of the hin-be ga-she-gdhe or tags on the moccasin heels, 
and by the hin-be-di-ha or flap next the ankle, as well as by the 
character of the designs of porcupine-work or bead-work on them. 

The Ponka used to wear moccasins like those of the Omaha, but 
recently they have adopted the Dakota styles. An Omaha hin-be- 
di-ha is rounded at the ends next the toes and is about two and a 
half inches wide, extending nearly down to the sole of the moccasin. 
A Ponka hin-be-di-ha is angular at the ends next the toes and is not 
over one inch and a half in width. The flaps are turned up and 
tied around the ankles in bad weather. The Omaha omit the heel 
tags whenever they desire. Moccasins are generally made in the 
summer, as the hides of the buffalo slain during that season have 
little hair on them. When the women make the moccasins they 
pull off whatever hair there is on the hide, as they also do when they 
wish to make leggings or skins for tents. 

The trail of an Indian has the following peculiarities : First, the 
sole of the moccasin by its shape marks the tribe of the wearer, ex- 
cept when the style has been borrowed from another tribe ; secondly, 
the heel tags by their number and order furnish another criterion 
(the Omaha have three, one in the middle and one on each side ; 
elsewhere we find two, equidistant from the middle of the heel ; 
10 ^ 



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74 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

another tribe has one in the middle and one on the right ; still 
another, one in the middle and one on the left ; some tribes have 
but one, and so on) ; thirdly, each tribe has its own style of turning 
the toes in walking. This is caused by the Indian mother who, 
when the child is in its cradle, ties its feet straight or otherwise 
between pieces of wood. Omaha and Ponka walk with the toes 
pointing straight ahead. The Dakota turn their toes in a little, and 
the Winnebago are exceedingly pigeon-toed. The Pawnee turn 
their toes out. 

Sometimes over-moccasins were worn. The inner moccasins were 
thin, being made of elk or deer skin, but the outer ones were made 
of thick buffalo skin and were a few inches higher than the inner 
pair. 

Leggings were worn by both sexes. When the women made them 
out of buffalo skins, they used to remove the hair. They put on 
them fringes of deer-skin. The strings for fastening the leggings 
to the belt were made of the skin of the elk, deer or buffalo. 

Garters were of two kinds : The hi-dha-win dhan were made of 
a piece of hide cut lengthwise, or else of interwoven pieces of sinew 
on which beads were strung. They were the width of two fingers, 
and were wrapped twice around the legs with the ends dangling. 

The hi-dha win dan-pa or short garters are as wide as three 
fingers. Men wear them if they are proud. They also form part 
of- a woman's attire on festive occasions. 

Women's Clothing. 

In ancient times, the women wore the ha u-na-zhiny the ha 
wa-te, the u-tan^ the hin-de, and the wa-in. The ha unazhin or 
skin shirt was made of the skin of the elk, deer, or antelope, and 
the utan or leggings were of similar material. The ha wate was a 
skin dress or skirt, made of elk or deer skin. The wain or robe 
was of buffalo hide. The moccasins were plain, without any por- 
cupine work. 

Since the coming of the pale faces, the Omaha and Ponka women 
have made a few changes in their attire, which now consists of a 
blanket or shawl, a chemise, a calico sacque, a skirt, and moccasins. 
The calico sacque is made with a cape hanging about a foot down 
the back. On this account no Ponka man would wear a sailor 
jacket in 1872-3, as its square turned-down collar resembled the 
woman's cape. Every woman wears a belt, to which is attached a 



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Jan. 1890.] OMAHA CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS. 75 

knife-sheath. The belt is worn straight around the waist by the 
Omaha women, but .the Dakota women lower it in front, converting 
thereby the lower part of the sack into a stomacher, which serves 
as a pocket for carrying sundry articles. 

Instead of collars, the Omaha and Ponka wore necklaces. Those 
worn by men were called, wa-nan-f in. Necklaces of bears' claws 
are still used by a few men, and probably formed one of the ancient 
styles. There are several other styles, most of which have been in- 
troduced by the traders. Among these latter is one kind made of 
white shells perforated at the ends, such as are commonly found 
among the Dakota. 

The woman's necklace in called u-iri ga-zafi-de by the Ponka, 
and t^'in ga-zari-de by the Omaha. This necklace is made by 
stringing {ga-zan-de) beads on horsehair, which is interwoven, the 
beads being arranged in different colors so as to form various 
designs, such as birds, arrows, and horses. 

There were no pockets made in garments. But receptacles for 
articles were formed by fastening the belt around the robe, blanket 
or sacque, the belt forming the bottom of the ^^u-H-zhiy^ and the 
articles were then put within the garment. The robe or sacque was 
allowed to be full, or as white ladies term it, a ''Garibaldi waist." 

The Omaha and Ponka had no wigs. The one worn by the 
Ponka chief. Standing Bear, prior to 1879, was given to him (^fide 
J. La Fl^he) by the Yankton chief. Struck by the Ree, who used 
to wear it at councils and dances. 

Plumes and eagle feathers when worn in the hair are marks of dis- 
tinction for brave men. See the account of the reception of an 
infant into the deer gens of the Omaha, pp. 245-6, Om. Soc, in 
3d Eth. Rept! 

Head-bands were used by the women for keeping the hair out of 
their eyes. No man wore one except when he had a headache. 

Earrings and pendants. A modem kind is the pe u-ga-shke, 
made of pewter. Several of them were worn in each ear. 

Another kind is made of a species of white shell, having three 
names, "the real beads," *'the real earrings," and "the real neck- 
lace," the latter name having been given Ijecause necklaces are 
made out of them. I have seen oblong pieces of clam shell about 
two inches long so used by the Ponka, who call them ga-shpe u-in, 
"ear ornaments split from the edge (of the shell) by hitting." 

Nose-rings, — A few Omaha women wear them. When J. La 
Fldche was a boy he saw two young men who wore them. 



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76 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Breast ornaments, — ^The kind commonly seen is " ni ki-dey' which 
is made of shell, and is about four inches in diameter. In the mid- 
dle are two small holes, through which is passed the thong by which 
it is hung from the neck. 

Knife-sheaths are attached to the belt on the left side, and are 
worn by men as well as by women. Those of the men are often 
decorated with bead-work, and are shorter and narrower than those 
of the women. The only ornamentation on the latter consists of 
rows of brass nails or tacks, placed on the wide part of the sheath 
proper, next the knife blade. 

A fire-steel holder was composed of two pieces of skin. Tjie 
pointed end of the longer piece was turned over after the fire-steel 
was put in, thus forming a cover for the sheath. The short piece 
was a square, and was sewed on the square part of the longer piece, 
forming a pocket or sheath. 

Pomades for the hair. — In former days, the chief pomade con- 
sisted of buffalo fat mixed with fragrant grass. They also said that 
if one would take the fat of an otter's tail, melt it and mix it with 
sweet grass, and then rub the mixture on the head, the growth of 
the hair would be promoted. 

Soaps were unknown, but they cleansed the hands by washing 
them in ashes and water. After eating, the face and hands were 
tisually wiped with a wisp of grass. See p. 316, Om. Soc, in 3d 
Eth. Rept. 

Combs and brushes were unknown \ but they had a good substi- 
tute for both in the kha-de mi-ka-he or grass-comb. This was made 
of a very stiff grass, gathered in the spring of the year. The grass 
is soon knocked down, the twigs are collected, and deer-sinew is 
wrapped around them, forming a bush which is about the size and 
shape of an ordinary shaving-brush, but much stiffer. 

Tweezers or spiral pieces of wire are now used for removing the 
beard, mustache, and eyebrows of men. Hair used to be removed 
from the sides of the head by running a hot stone very rapidly 
along the head. This was done when the hair was worn Osage 
fashion. 

Mirrors, — A clear stream answered for this purpose, hence the 
name, ni u-ki-gdha-sin, **he peeped into the water at himself," now 
applied to mirrors. 

Perfumes. — Five of these are found among the Omaha and Ponka. 
The first is \ht pe-zhi zan-sta or "strong-smelling grass,*' which is 
plaited into necklaces and carried about by men as well as by 



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Jan. 1890.] OMAHA CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS. 77 

women. This grass has a very pleasant odor, resembling that of 
the vanilla bean. The second kind is the i-nu-bdhaH-ki-dhe sa-be, 
"the black seeds, which emit a pleasant perfume," columbine 
seeds. (?) These seeds are tied up in pieces of calico, etc., which 
are worn about the neck. The third is \ht pe-zhi pa or ** bitter 
grass." The fourth consists of the small seeds found in the ma-zi 
zhu or cedar cones. The fifth is known as the in-tchaH-ga iH-gdhe 
e-gafty "what resembles mouse dung." It is a grass seed smaller 
than seed wheat, and is found in Iowa, at the head of a stream 
which the Omaha call Mi-ka tan or '* Where raccoons abound." 

Porcupine-work, — This and fringe {jga-sne-sne) were the only 
kinds of dress ornamentation known in ancient days. The art of 
putting on porcupine-work was called u-dhi'ske^ because the quills 
were put on as closely as possible, making them lie thick together 
{u'Ske), The women used to dye some of the quills red, others 
black, and some yellow, leaving the rest white. These quills were 
put on moccasins, leggins, robes, shirts, pipe-stems, quivers, knife- 
sheaths, tobacco-pouches of deer or antelope skin. 

Dyes, — Red dye for quills and horse-tails was made thus : Before 
frost the women gathered together the sumac berries and laid them 
away to dry. They also gathered the roots ' of a fine grass, called 
** gdhan-de,^^ which they pounded between two stones, and mixed 
with the sumac ; the latter not being pounded. There were two 
kinds of black dye. One was made by taking the yellow unburnt 
clay from which Indian red was made, mixing it with grease, and 
putting it into a kettle, where it was fried till it became black* 
Sometimes the former mixture was put into a kettle in which maple 
bark had been boiled, and this compound was the other black dye. 
Yellow dye was the product of the we-zi-dhe dhin^ which are the 
yellow flowers of a fine grass which is a parasite of the zha-kdhda si 
(a plant not as tall as the Nebraska sunflower matures in September, 
not yet identified). Sometimes these yellow flowers were taken 
when the sap was in the grass and placed in a kettle with the quills 
to be dyed. The bundle was tied very tightly and laid away for two 
or three days. The pressure forced out the sap and this moistened 
and dyed the quills at the end of that period ; but when they wished 
to dye them very quickly the quills and the flowers were boiled 
together in a kettle of water. 

Bead-work was not known among these tribes prior to contact 
with the white people. It has superseded porcupine- work among 
most of the tribes along the lower Missouri river. 



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78 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Skin ornamentation. — Tattooing was practiced in the early days. 
La Fl^he and Two Crows said that no well-behaved man was ever 
tattooed; but I have seen several aged men, among whom was 
the chief Two Bears or Yellow Smoke, and Ki-shta-wa-gu, who 
were thus marked, one on the fingers and the other on the wrists, 
with transverse lines. Tattooing was chiefly practiced on the 
daughters of the principal men of the tribe, who could afford to 
purchase this great privilege. Such women were marked on the 
foreheads, breasts, backs, and wrists. The mark on a woman's 
forehead was a round spot, that symbolized the sun, to which the 
woman was consecrated by the ceremony. Previous to the cere- 
mony some box-elder wood was charred, pounded and moist- 
ened. The operator took an instrument consisting of three or 
four needles tied to the truncated and flattened end of a stick, 
so arranged that the points formed a straight line. With this 
he pricked the charcoal into the skin, following the lines of the 
figures which had been traced thereon. This tattooing was called 
**pe batu^ i. e. making the forehead blue by pricking it. At 
present this ceremony of tattooing the women is performed by the 
young chief I-shta ba-su-de (son of Yellow Smoke) of the Hafl-ga 
gens. Only chiefs can witness the act. The Osage have a similar 
custom, but it forms part of the ceremonies of one degree in their 
secret order. Instead of one spot on the forehead they make two. 

The men often reddened the parting of their wives' hair, as well 
as their cheeks, after they had combed their hair for them. In one 
of the myths the girl calls on her brothers and grandfather to comb 
her hair; and an Iowa legend tells of a similar service. performed 
for several days in succession by a husband for his wife. Men used 
to paint their faces with Indian red, yellow earth, and burnt earth. 
Some Omahas rubbed common clay or mud over their faces in 
oblique stripes. Any pattern was made, just as suited the man's 
fancy. The face was painted with charcoal in time of war. See 
p. 317, Om. Soc, in* 3d Eth. Rept. Among the Osage, each 
design had its meaning, referring either to the gens of the man or 
else to the animal or other mysterious being whose aid he invoked. 
Black earth was used for painting on the buffalo hides in former 
days, when the badges of the different gentes were painted on the 
principal tents. See pp. 230, 234, 240, et passim^ in Om. Soc, 3d 
Eth. Rept. When they wished to paint a hide, instead of a brush, 
they used a piece of pumice stone or a dried buffalo bone. The 
latter was scraped away till it became very thin. 



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Jan. 189a] 



ANTHROPOLOQIC LITBRATUKB. 



79 



A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY 

OP 

ANTHROPOLOGIC LITBRATURB. 



COMPILED BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. D. 



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Alotte (L.) La primordialit^ de 
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Annales de la Soci6t6 historique et 
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Aryan san-myths: The origin of 
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BampB (C.) Le Limbourg primitif 
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Bargds (J. J. L.) Inscriptions arabes 
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Baolin (Basil). [Measurements of 
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Bonodlkt (Moriz). Manuel tech- 
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Panthropologie criminelle. Traduit 
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▼on Blomborg (Cari). loi Kephalo- 
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Brinton (Daniel G.) The ethnologic 
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XXVI. 



^— - A Lenftp^- English Dictionary. 
From an anonymous MS. in the 
archives of the Moravian Church at 
Bethlehem, Pa., edited, with addi- 
tions, by Daniel G. Brinton and Rev. 
Albert Sequaqkind Anthony. Phila. , 
1888, Historical Soc. of Pa., 236 p. 
8<>. [The Pennsylvania Student's 
Series, vol. i, Phila., 1889.] 



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[Vol. III. 



Bahot de Kersers (A.) Histoire 
et statistique monumentale du d6- 
parteraent du Cher. Bourges, 1889, 
Tardy-Pigelet, 52 p. 4?, 

BoBh (J. Foster). Biennial report of 
medical Examiner-in-Chief. Ameri- 
can Legion of Honor, 1 887-1 889. 
[Anthropometry.] Bost., 1889, A. 
Mudge & Son, 54 p. 8**. 

Cartailhao (£mile). La France pr6- 
historique d'aprds les sepultures et 
les monuments. Paris, 1889, F. 
Alcan, 340 p. 8®. 

Chaavet (G.) Les haches en bronze 
de Chebrac ; rapport lu d, la stance 
publique de la Soci^t^ arch^ologique 
et historique de la Charente. An- 
gouldme, 1888, Chasseignac, 12 p. 
8*>. 



— L'arch6ulogie pr^hibtorique h 
la Faculty des lettres de Poitiers 
(1889). Cours de M. Lidvre. 
PoiUers, 1889, Ruffec, 7 p. 8**. 

Chiris (M.) M^moire sur un tumulus 
de r^poque n^olithique situ6 k la 
Collelte, commune d'EscragnolIes 
(AIpes-Maritimes). Dcaguignan, 
1889, Olivier et Rouvier, 9 p. 8". 

Closmadeao. S6pultures de Tan- 
cienne abbaye de Lanvaux. Examen 
des ossements. Vannes, 1889, Galles, 
17 p. 8". 

Cotteau (G.) Le pr^historique en 
Europe ; congr^s ; musses ; excur- 
sions. Paris, 1889, J, B. Bailli^re et 
fils. iiin. I2<>. 



Denis (Fi.) L'^conomie politique et 
la constitution progressive de la 
sociologie au xix* si^cle. Bruxelles, 
1889, Alex. Berqueman, 36 p. 8**. 

Du Chaillu (Paul B.) The Viking 
age : the early history, manners, 
and customs of ihe ancestors of the 
English-speaking nations; illustrated 
from the antiquities discovered in 
mounds, cairns, and bogs, as well as 
from the ancient Sagas and Eddas. 
New York, 1889, Scribner's Sons. 
2 vols. 591 ; 562. 

Du Chatellier. Les ^poques pr6- 
histonques et gauloises dans le Finis- 
t^re. Paris, 1889, Lechevelier. 8*». 



Folk-lore and legends. Scotland. 
New York and London, 1889, White 
& Allen, 192 p. i6<». 

Folk-lore and legends. Germany. 
New York and London, 1889, White 
& Allen, 184 p. 16°. 

Folk-lore and legends. Ireland. 
New York and London, 1889, White * 
& Allen, 192 p. 16®. 

Folk-lore and legends. Oriental. 
New York and London, 1889. White 
& Allen, 192 p. i6*>. 

Fradenbnrgh (J. N.) Old heroes; 
the Hittites of the Bible. New York, 
1889, Hunt & Eaton, 166 p. 

Qarnier (Ch. ) L*histoire de Thabita- 
tion humaine. Paris, 1889. 

Oanthier (Jules). Repertoire archi- 
ologique du canton de Roulans. 
Besan^on, 1889, Jacquin. 16 p. 8^. 

Qoetghebner. Les catacombes de 
Gand. Gand, 1889, Leliaert, Siffer 
et Ce. 38 p. 8«. 

Ooald (George M.^ The modem 
Frankenstem. Chicago, 1889. 25 
p. 12°. 

Orinnell (G. fe.) Pawnee hero sto- 
ries and folk tales; with notes on 
the origin, customs, and character of 
the Pawnee people. New York, 
1889, Forest and Stream Pub. Co. 
417 p. 

Hennessy (William M.) Mesca 
Ulad; or, the intoxication of the 
Ultonians, with translation and in^ 
troductory notes. Dublin, 1889. 74 
p. 8®. [Royal Irish lecture series, 
V. I,pt. 1.] 

ten Kate (H. F. C, Jr.) Verbe- 
teringen en aanvullingen van ** Rei- 
zen en Onderzoekingeu in Noord- 
Amerika." [Extract.] Tijdschr. 
V; h. Kon. Nederl. Aardr. Gen., 
1889. 14 p. 

Knbary (J. S.) Ethnographische 
Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Karolinen 
Archipels. Leiden, 1 889, P. W. M. 
Trap. 

Laborde (J. V.) et O. HervS. Le 

g6n6ral Faidherbe. Paris, 1889, 
Hennuyer. 8 p. 8®. 



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81 



Letonmeaa (C.) L*6voIution de la 
propri^t^. Paris, 1S89, Motteroz, 
XX vi. 521 p. 8®. 

Lisle da Dreneao (P, de). Nou- 
velles d^couvertes d'iaoles de 1* Ama- 
zone. Paris, 1889, Pnid*homme. 
20 p. 4^. 

Loret f Victor.) L'^gypte au temps 
des Pharaons ; la vie, la science et 
Tart. Avec 18 photogravures dont 
douze d*aprds des dessins k la plume 
et & la s6pia de Charles Loret. Paris, 
1889. J. B. Baillidre et fils. 316 p. 
12®. 

Lomholx (CarH. Among cannibals. 
An account of four years* travels in 
Australia, and of camp-life with the 
aborigines of Queensland. New 
York, 1889. 8^. Plates and maps. 

MoFarlane {/fev, S.) Among the 
cannibals of New Guinea; being the 
story of the New Guinea mission of 
the London Missionary Society. 
Philadelphia [1889], Presb. Bd. of 
Pub. 192 p. 

Masohkovski (Mechislaff). [Meas- 
urements of diameter of chest of 
healthy and phthisical persons.] St. 
Petersb., 1889, S. Volpjanskago. 
87 p. 8<>. * 

Mies (Josef). Eine neue Methode 
den Sch^el darzustellen. [Text in 
French and German.] Miinich, 
1889, J. Lindauer. 21 p. I pi. 
oblong 8<». 

Nichols (S. H.) The philosophy of 
evolution. Boston, 1889, ^^^ Ideal 
Pub. Co. 341-366 p. (Vol I, No. 
14.) 

Onffroy do Thoron. Les Ph^nici- 
ens k I'lle d' Haiti et sur le continent 
americain. Les vaisseaux d' Hiram 
et de Salomon au fleuve des Ama- 
zones. Louvain, 1889, Charles Pee- 
ters. 141 p. I pi. 8®. 

O'Shea. Latombe basque. £tude 
des monuments et usages fun^ralres 
des Euskariens. Paris, 1889, Le- 
chevalier. 8®. 

Petithan. La d^gin^rescence de la 
race beige, ses causes et ses remddes ; 
proposition et rapport k la Soci^t^ de 
m^decine publique, 1888. Bruxelles, 
1889, H. Lamertin. 31 p. 8®. 

II 



Piette (Edouard). Les subdivisions 
de r^poque magdal^nienne et de 
r^poque n^olithique. Angers, 1889, 
Burdin et Ce. 25 p. 8®. 

Nomenclature de T^re anthro- 

pologique primitive. Angers, 1889, 
Burdin et Ce. 12 p. 8**. 

Plongeon (Alice D. le). Here and 
there in Yucatan. Miscellanies. 
New York, 1889, John W. Lovell. 
146 p. 12 pi. 12^. 

Reoneil de travaux relatifs k la phi- 
lologie et k Tarch^ologie ^eyptiennes 
et assyriennes. Tome x, iasc. 1 el 2. 
Paris, 1889, 6mile Bouillon. 

Roinaoh (S.) Antiquit^s nationales. 
Description raisonn^e du mus^e de 
Saint - Germain - en - Laye. Paris, 
1889, Firmin-Didot et Cie, xvi-328 
p. gr.8o. 

Kendall (G. H.) The cradle of the 
Aryans. London, 1889, Macmillan. 
58 p. 8«. 

Savage (M. J.) The effects of evo- 
lution on the coming civilization. 
Boston, 1889, New Ideal Pub. Co. 
367-392 p. (Vol. I, No. 15.) 

Sooi6t6 d'histoire, d'arch^ologie et 
de litt^rature de Tarrondissement de 
Beaune. M^moires. Ann6e 1888. 
T. 13. Beaune, 1889, Batault. 344 
p. 8». 

Tr6v6dy (J.) Les anguip^des bre- 
tons. Saint- Brieuc, 1889, Pru- 
d'homme. 24 p. 8^. 

Van den Oheyn (R. P.) L'origine 
europ^enne des Aryas; m^moire 
pr6sent6 au congr^s scientitique in- 
ternational des catholiques, tenu k 
Paris en 1 888. Saint Dizier, 1889, 
Saint-Aubin. 47 p. 8°. 

Verrler (E.) Les races noires de 
TAfrique (section africaine), discours 
d'ouverture prononc6 k la s<6ance de 
la soci6t6 d'ethnographie du 31 Jan- 
vier 1889. Clermont, 1889, Daix 
frdres. 16 p. 8®. 

Virey (P. ) M^moires publics par les 
membres de la mission arch^ologique 
fran^aise au Caire, sous la direction 
de M. Bouriant, directeur. T. 5. 
I*' fasc. Angers, 1889, Burdin et 
Ce. 199 p. 44 pl. 4°. 



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[Vol. III. 



Volkann (L.) Die L5sung der so- 
cialen Fiage durch die Frau, nebst 
Angabe eines natiirlichen Mittels zur 
BeschriUikung der Nachkommen- 
schaft. FUr Aerzte und Geburtshel- 
fer. Neuwied, 1889, L. Heuser. 
49 p. 8^ 

Ward (C. Osborae). A history of 
the ancient working people from the 
earliest known period to the adoption 
of Christianity by Constantine. 
Washington, D. C, 1889, W. H. 
Lowdermilk & Co. 519 p. 8®. 

White (J.) The ancient history of 
the Maori : his mythology and tradi- 
tions. Horo-Uta or Taki-Tumu mi- 
gration. Vols. 1-4. London, 1889, 
Low. 8®. 



Abbott (C. C.) The descendants 
of palaeolithic man in America. Pop. 
Sc. Month., N. Y., 1889-90, xxxvi, 
HS->S3— A8hwin(C. G.) Modern 
science and natural religion. J. Trans. 
Victoria Inst., xxiii, N0.90, 1 23-1 33. — 
Bailey (A. W. H.) On an old canoe 
recently found in the Irwell Valley, 
near Barton, with observations on pre? 
historic chat moss. Mem. & Proc. 
Manchester Lit. & Phil. Soc, 1889, 

4. s., ii, 243-251.— Bittey (G. H.) 
On the vitrified cement from an ancient 
fort. Ibid., 185-188.— Baker {Sir 

5. W.) African development: The 
Soudan. Fortnight. Rev., N. Y., 
1889, xlvi, 551-572.— Balfoar (H,) 
On the structure and affinities of the 
composite bow. J. Anthrop. Inst., 
Lond., 1889-90, xix, 220-250, 2 pi. — 
Baatian (A.) Ueber die priester- 
lichen Functionen unter Naturstftmmen. 
Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berl., 1889, xxi, 
109-154.— Batty (Mrs. R. B.) Notes 
on the Yoruba Country. J. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1889-90, xix, 160-164. — 
Batuc (A.) Note sur la m^tallurgie 
du cuivre en Sardaigne. Rev. arch^ol.. 
Par., 1889, 3. s., xiv, 276-284.— Bax- 
ter (S. ) Berlin : a study of municipal 
Government in Germany. Bui). Essex 
Inst., 1889, xxi, 53-87. — Beauchamp 
(W. M.^ Cayuga Indian relics. Am. 
Naturalist, N. Y., 1889, xxiii, 401-406, 
I pi. -^— - Onondaga tales. J. 
Am. Folk-lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1889, 
ii, 261-270.— Belmondo (E.) L*an- 



tropologia criminale di fronte ad una 
recente critica. Riv. sper. di freniat., 
Reggio- Emilia, 1889, xv, pt. 2, 259- 
272.— Berger (P.) Inscriptions c6- 
ramiques de la n^cropole punique 
d'Hadrumdte. Rev. arch^ol.. Par., 
1889, 3. s., xiv, 201-228.— Blanchet 
(J. A.) Tessires antiques, th^&trales 
et autres. /bid.f 243-257.— Blooh 
(E.) Das Ohr des Saito mortale-Fftn- 
gcrs. Ztschr. f. Ohrenh.,Wiesb., 1889, 
3tx» 53-55-— Boas (F.) Notes on the 
Snanaimuq. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 
1889. ii, 321-328. Photo- 
graphs of tattooed Indians from the 
Queen Charlotte Islands, B. C. Tr. 
N. York Acad. Sc, 1888-9, viii, 115. 
' The houses of the Kwakiutt 
Indians, British Columbia. Proc. U. 
S. Nat. Mus., Wash.. 1888, xi. 1889. 

197-213, 3 pi. The Indians 

of British Columbia. Trans. Roy. Soc. 
Canada, 1888, 47.57.— Boehm (M.) 
Aphrodite auf dem Bock. Jahrb. 
Kaiserl. Deutsch. Archftol. Inst., Berl., 
1889, iv, 408-417.— Bonnet. Les 
gravures sur roches du Sud-Oranais. 
Rev. d'ethnog.. Par., 1889, viii, 149- 
158.— Bonnet (R.) Die stummel- 
schwanzigen Hunde in Hinblick auf 
die Vererbung erworbener Eigenschaf- 
ten. Beitr. z. path. Anat. u. z. allg. 
Path., Jena, 1 888-9, »v. 67-92. I pi. 
■ Ueber Vererbung und Ver- 
stUmmelungen. Verhandl. d. Miln- 
chen. anthrop. Gesellsch.,1888. 15-26. 
— Boule ( M.) I^ caverne de Malar- 
naud. prds Montseron (Ari6ge). Bull. 
Soc. philomat. de Par.. 1888-9, 8.s.,i, 
83.86.— Boveri (T.) Die Vorgftnge 
der Befruchtung und Zelltheilung in 
ihrer Beziehung zur Vererbungsfrage. 
Verhandl. d. Miinchen. anthrup. Ge- 
sellsch., 1888, 27-39, 2 pi.— Boyle 
(J. R.) The Roman wall. Archaeol. 
Rev., Lond., 1889-90, iv, 81-106. — 
Boynton (S. S.) A Samoan legend. 
Overland Month.. San Fran., 1889. xiv, 
256-259.— Brooka (W. K.) The 
Lucayan Indians. Pop. Sci. M., N. Y., 
1889-90, xxxvi, 88-98.— Brugaoh. 
Mftnnlichen Mestem. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 
1889. 336-338.— Borne (Charlotte S.) 
Derbyshire sayings. Folk-lore J., 
Ix>nd., 1889, vii, 291-293. ■■ 

Staffordshire sayings. Idtd., 294. — 
Burnett (S. M.) A note on the 



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83 



Melungeons. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 
1889, ». 347-349— Byrnes (T.) 
Nurseries of cnme. N. Am. Rev., N. 
Y., 1889, cxlix, 354-362. — Caatel- 
franco (P.) Age de la pierre en 
Italie. Rev. d*anthrop., Par., 1889, 
3. s., iv, 573-612.— Chatellior (P. 
du). Letr^sorde Saint -Pabu. Canton 
de Ploudalm^zeau (Finist^re). Rev. 
archtol., Par., 1889, 3. s., xiv, 188- 
194.— Clarke (F. W.) and MorriU 
(G. P.) On nephrite ana jadeite. Proc. 
U. S. Nat. MuR.. 1888, Wash., 1889, 
xi, 115-130. — Clarke (H.) The 
right of property in trees on the land of 
another, as an ancient institution. J. 
Anthrop. In.st., Lond., 1889-90, xix, 
199-21 1. —Codrington (R. 11.) On 
poisoned arrows in Melanesia. Ibid,^ 
215-219. — Corroapondence re- 
spectmg New Guinea. * Archaeol. Rev., 
Lond., 1889-90, iv, 147-149. — Cou- 
tagno (H.) De IMnfluence des pro- 
fessions sur la criminality. Arch, de 
I'anthrop. crim!. Par., 1889. iv, 616- 
622.~Dean8 (J.) The story of the 
bear and his Indian wife. J. Am. 
Folk-lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1889. ii, 

255-260. The raven. myth of 

the northwest coast. Am. Antiquarian, 
Mendon, 111., 1889, xi, 297-301. — 
Denikor (J.) Essai d'une classifica- 
tion des races humaines, bas^e unique- 
ment sur les caract^res physiques. Bull. 
Socl d'anthrop. de Par., 1889. 3. s., 
xii, 320-336.— Deroum (F. X.) A 
description of two Chinese brains. J. 
Nerv. & Ment. Dis.. N. Y., 1889, n. s.„ 
xiv, 42 1-433.— Dovdxe (CJ.) Les huit 
aventures du Gourou Param&rtta. Con- 
tes Tamouls. (Deuxidme aventure.) 
Mus^on,Louvain, i889,viii, 529-540. — 
Dewar f A. ) The natural evolution of 
man . Westminster Re v. , Lond . , 1 889, 
cxxxii, 519-529.— Diokorman (L.) 
The Hittites. Bull. Am. Geog. Soc, 
N. Y., 1889, xxi, 325-358.— Dorsey 
( J. O. ) The places of gentes in Siouan 
camping circles. Am. Anthrop. ,Wash., 

1889, ii, 375-379. Ponkaand 

Omaha songs. J. Am. Folk-lore, Bost. 
& N. Y., 1889, ii, 271-276.— Douglaa 
(A. E.) A portrait pipe from Central 
America. Am. Antiquarian, Mendon, 
111., 1889, xi, 348-353, I pi.— Du- 
mont (A.) Essai sur la natality dans 
le canton de Paimpol (C6tes-du-Nord). 
Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 3. 



s., xii, 273-315.— Domoutier (G.) 
Choix de l^endes historiques de P An- 
nam et du Tonkin. Traduites du chi- 
nois et accompagn^es de commentaires. 
Rev. d'ethnog., Par., 1889, viii, 159- 
191. — Duprat (C.) Sepultures an- 
tiques de Djidjeli. Recueil des notices 
et m^moires de la Soci6t6 arch^ologique 
du d^partement de Constantine. Con- 
stantine, 1889, 3. s., iv. 396-399, I pi. 
—Edwards (C. L.) Folk-lore of the 
Bahama negroes. Am. J. Psychol., 
Worcester, 1889, ii, 519-542.— Eolla 
(M.) The thunder l)ird. Am. Anthrop., 

Wash. , 1889, ii, 329-336. The 

Twana, Chemakun and Klallam In- 
dians of Washington Territory. Ann. 
Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, pt. 2, Wash., 
1889, 605-681. — Eggers (H.) A 
study of the boomerang. Proc. U. S. 
Nat. Mus., 1888, Wash., 1889. xi, 363- 
367. — Emerson (Ellen Russell). 
Repetition in picture writing. Am. 
Antiquarian, Mendon, 111., 1889, xi, 
381 .—Ernst (A.) Einen Fall heterOt 
troper Retention des unteren linken 
Eckzahnes bei Cebus capucinus Geoffr. 
Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp. , Bert. , 1 889, 338. *Pra- 

historische und ethnographische Gegen- 
stftnde aus Venezuela. Jbid,^ 467. — 
Ershoff (S. M.) [Physical and psy- 
chical peculiarities oT criminals.] Vest- 
nik obsh. hig. sudeb. i prakt. med., 
St. Petersb., 1889, i, pt. 3, 53-65. — 
Ferree ^B.) The element of terror 
in primitive art. Am. Antiquarian, 
Mendon, 111., 1889, xi, 331-348. — 
Filhol (H.) Note sur la disposition 
des orifices de la base du crane de la 
Viverra antiqua. Bull. Soc. philomat. 

de Par., 1888-9, 8. s., i, 109. 

Note sur les caract^res de la base du 
crane des Plesictis. Jbid.^ 106-108. 
— r— Note sur une m&choire hu- 
maine trouv^e dans la caveme de Ma- 
lamaud prds de Montseron (Ari^ge). 
/^k/.,69-82,i pi.— FUnt(E.) Nica- 
ragua foot-prints. Am. Antiquarian, 
Mendon, 111., 1889, xi. 306-311. — 
Frolioh (H.) KOrperiftnge. Prag. 
med Wchnschr., 1889, xiv, 396; 408. 
— Galton (F.^ Head growth in stu- 
dents at the University of Cambridge 
by F. M. T. Nature, Lond., 1889-90, 

*ln the last number of the Journal 
this article wafl erroneously attributed to 
Grateral y Morles. 



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[Vol. III. 



xl, 317. La science de rh£r6- 

diti. Rev. scient, Par., 1889, xliv, 
1 93- 1 96. ~ Gal ton (F.) and A. A. 
Somerville. On the principle and 
methods of assigning marks for bodily 
efficiency. Nature, Lond., 1889, xl, 
649-653. — Gatschet (A.) et R. 
Grasserie. Textes Timucua. Tra- 
duits et analyses. Rev. de linguist, et 
de philol. comp., Par., 1889, xxii, 320- 
346.— GiglioU (E. H-.) La lucertola 
neli'etnologia della Papuasia, dell' 
Avistralia e della Polinesia a proposito 
specialmente di una maschera singolare 
dall' isola Roissy. Arch, per Tantrop., 
Firenze, 1889, xix, 113-116. — Gilles 
de la Tourette. Le masque de Pas- 
cal. N. iconog. de la Salp^tri^re, Par., 
1889, ii, 196-202, 1 pi. — Goinine(G. 
L.) Coorg folk-lore. Folk-lore J., 
Lond., 18^, vii, 295-306. — Gore (J. 
H.) Die Anthropologic unter der Lci- 
tung der Vereinigten Staaten. Cor.-Bl. 
d. deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., 
ac, Miinchen, 1888, xix, 137-144; 
also transi.t Am. Anthrop., Wash., 
1889, li, 313-319. — Gradenigo (G.) 

Le pavilion de I'oreille au point 

de vue anthropologique. Ann. d. mal. 
de Toreille, du larynx, etc.. Par., 1889, 
xv» S3^~S39 > ^^^^1 transl. , Wien. klin. 
Wchnschr., 1889, ii, 716.— Gregor 
(W.) Devil stories. Folk-lore J., 

Lond., 1889, vii, 287-290. The 

witch. /(^*r/., 27 7-286. — Haberlandt 
(M.) Ueber Tul&purusha der Inder. 
Festschr. z. Begrtlssung . . . . d. 
Deutsch. u. Wien, anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, Wien, 1889, 54-58; aUo^ 
Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 
1889, n. F., ix, 160-164. — Hale 
(H.) Huron folk-lore. J. Am. Folk- 
lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1889, ii, 249- 
254.— Hambleton (G. W.) Physi- 
cal development. lUust. Med. News, 
Lond., 1889, V, 121-123, I pi. — 
Hammond (W.) The elixir of life. 
N. Am. Rev., N. Y., 1880, cxlix, 
257-264.— Hamy (E. T.) Etude sur 
les Papouas de la mer d'Entrecasteaux. 
Rev. d'eihnog.. Par.. 1888, vii, 503- 
519.— Herschell (G.) On the effect 
upon the human body of a diet 
consisting entirely of lean meat and 
water. [Cannibals from Terra del 
Fuego. ] Lancet, Lond. , 1 889, ii, 950. 
— Herv6 [Q, ) Observations sur deux 
squelettes de jeunes orangs. Bull. Soc, 



d'anthrop. de Par.. 1889,3. s.,xii, 378- 
391. — Hirsohberg (J.) Ueber die 
Augenheilkande der alten Aegypten. 
Deutsche med. Wchnschr., Leipz., 

1889, XV, 790 ; 807 ; 825 ; 84s ; 871 ; 

887.— HU (W.) Ueber das mensch- 
liche Ohrlftppchen und fiber den aus 
einer Verbildung desselben entnom- 
menen Schmidt' schen Beweis fUr die 
Uebertragbarkeit erworbener Eigen- 
schaften. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. Ge- 
sellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., Mfinchen, 
1889, XX, 17-19. — HcBrnes (M.) 
GrabhUgelfunde von Glasinac in Bos- 
nien. Festschr. z. Begrfissung . . . . d. 
Deutsch. u. Wien, anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, Wien, 1889, 28-43; ^^^^ 
Mitth. d. anthrop. Gessellsch. ip Wien, 
1889, n. F., ix, 134-149. — Hoffman 
( W. J. ) Folk-lore of the Pennsylvania 
Germans, iii. J. Am. Folk-lore, Bost. 
& N. v., 1889, ii, 191-202. — Hough 
rW.) An Eskimo strike a light 
from Cape Bathurst. Prt)C. U. S. Nat. 
Mus., 1888, Wash., 1889, xi, 181-184. 
— Jentsoh (H.) Grftberfunde aus der 
Zeit des sp&teren provinzial-r5mischen 
Einflusses bei Reichersdorf, Kr. Guben. 
Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp., Berl., 1889,343-352. — Kanitz 
(F.) I. Die prfthistorischen Funde in 
Serbien bis 1889. II. Aeltere und 
neuere Grabdenkmalformen im Kdnig- 
reiche Serbien. Miith. d. anthrop. 
Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. F.,Mx, 
150-159, I pi.; aiso^ Festschr. z. Be- 
grussung . . . . d. Deutsch. u. Wien, an- 
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, Wien, 1889, 
44-53. — Kirn. Ueber die psychische 
und somatische Degeneration der 
Verbrecher. Centralbl. f. Nervenh., 
Leipz., 1889, xii, 453-457. — Koll- 
mann (J.) Europfiische Grundras- 
sen. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. 
f. Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 330-333 — 
Kund (R.) Ueber seme Reisen im 
sUdlichen Kamerungebiet. Verhandl. 
Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde, Berl., 1889, 
xvi, 308-3 1 7. ~de La Blanohdre 
(M . R. ) L'art provincial dans 1' Afrique 
komaine.^ Revue arch^ol., Par., 1889, 
%. s., xiv| 258-267. — Lagneau (G.) 
Mortality des militaires frangais dans 
les colonies. Hull. Soc. d'anthrop. de 
Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 157-161.— de 
Lamarck (Herre-Antoine de Monet). 
[ 1 744-1 829]. Le transformiste fran- 
9ais Lamarck; par M. Duval. Bull. 



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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



85 



Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 3. s., 
xi»» 336-374.— -Lehmann (C. F.) 
Altbabylonisches Maass und Gewicht 
und deren Wanderung. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 
1889, 245-328.— L e 1 1 n e r . The 
science of language and of ethnog- 
raphy, with general reference to the 
language and customs of the people 
of Hunza. J. Trans. Victoria Inst., 
xxiii, No. 90, 109-12 1.— Lewis (T. 
H.) Copper mines worked by the 
mound builders. Am. Antiquarian, 
Mendon, 111., 1889, xi. 293-296. — 
Lombard. Comparaison des trois 
sous-espdces humaines entre elles. 
Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 3. 
s., xii, 411-417.— Lomonaco (A.) 
Sulla razze indigene del Brasile. Arch, 
per Tantrop., Firenze, 1889, xix, 17- 
92.— Lydston (G. F.) The pathog- 
eny of vice ; a study in crime, 
pauperism, inebriety, and prostitution. 
West. M. Reporter, Chicago, 1889, xi, 
241.— McGee (W J) An obsidian 
implement from pleistocene deposits in 
Nevada. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1889, 
ii.301-312.— MaoRitchle(D.) The 
Finn-men of Britain. Archseol, Rev., 
Lond., 1889, iv, 107-129.— Mallery 
( G. ) Israelite and Indian : a parallel in. 
planes of culture. Pop. Sci. M., N.Y., 
1889-90, xxxvi, 52; 193. Also, re- 
print, — Marcano(G.) Ethnographie 
pricolombienne du Venezuela (region 
des Randals de I'Orinoque). Bull. 
Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 3. s., 
xii, 391-402.— Maika (K. J.) Die 
mfthrischen Mammuthj&ger in Pred- 
most. Cor.-Bl. d. deuisch. Gesellsch. 
f. Anthrop., etc., MUnchen, 1889, 
XX, 9-1 1. —Mason (O. T.) The 
human beast of burden. Ann. Rep. 
Smith. Inst.. 1887, pt. 2, Wash., 

1889. 237-295. Cradles of the 

American aborigines. IbiU.y 161-212. 
■ An account of the progress in 
anthropology in the year 1886. Ibid,, 
523-567. — Matthews (W.) The 
Inca bone and kindred formations 
among the ancient Arizonians. Am. 
Anthrop., Wa«*h., 1889, ii, 337-345. — 
Meyer (E.) Eine verschollene 
Etruskerstadt. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. 
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., Mttnchen, 
1889, xx, 1-4.— Mies. Ueber die 
Verschiedenheiten gleicher Sch&del- 
Indices. IHd,, 1888, xix, 131-137.— 



Misohnewsky (V.) [Definition of 
stature, circumference of breast, and 
weight]. Voyenno-san. dielo, St. 
Petersb., 1889, ix, 281.— Moffett (C. 
R.) In the Moqui country. Overland 
Month., San Fran., 1889, xiv, 243- 
256. — Moloney. Exhibition of cross- 
bows, long-bows, quivers, &c. J. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond., 1889-90, xix, 213- 
215.— Moore (T. J.) Man and his 
development. Times & Reg., N. Y. & 
Phila., 1889, XX, 507-512.— Moore- 
head (W. K.) Fort Ancient. J. 
Cincin. Soc. Nat. Hist.. 1889, xii, 83- 
92.— Moreau de Tours. De la 
contagion du crime et de sa prophy- 
laxie. Ann. d. hyg.. Par., 1889, 3* s., 
xxii, i6i-i68.~Morgaii (J. de). 
Note sur I'usage de syst^me pondiral 
Assynen dans PArm^nie russe a 
r^poque pr^historique. Rev. archil.. 
Par., 1889, 3. s., xiv, 177-187.— Mor- 
ris (J. ) Crime : its physiology and 
pathogenesis. How far can medical 
men aid in its prevention? Tr. M. & 
Chir. Fac. Maryland, Balto., 1889,48- 
69.— Morrison (O.) Tsimshian 
proverbs. J. Am. Folk-lore, Bost. & 
N. Y., 1889, ii, 285.— Morrison (R. 
B.) Notes on the formation of pig- 
ment in the negro. Med. News, 
Phila., 1889. Iv, 393-395.— de Mor- 
«llet(G.) Lechien. Bull. Soc. d' an- 
throp. de Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 425- 
452.— Murdoch (J. E.) A remark- 
able Eskimo harpoon from East Green- 
land. Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus. 1888, 
Wash., 1889, xi, 169-171. — Murray- 
Ay nsley (Lady), Various Swiss 
legends. Am. Antiquarian. Mendon, 
111., 1889, xi, 302-305. -^Naue (J.) 
Die silberne Schwertscheide von Guten- 
stein(Grossherzogthum Baden). Fest- 
schr. z. Begriissung . . . . d. Deutsch. u. 
Wien, anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 
Wien, 1889. 12-18.; aiso, Mitth. d. 
Anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. 
F., ix, 1 18-124. —Naville (E.) The 
historical results of the excavations at 
Bubastis. J. Trans. Victoria Inst. , xxiii. 
No. 90, 137-167. — Newberry (J. S.) 
A man of Spy, or newly discovered 
palaeolithic skeletons from the vicinity of 
Liige, Belgium. [Abstr.] Tr. N. Y. 
Acad. Sc., 1888-H9, viii, 132-136.— 
Ornstein ( B. ) Ein Beitrag zur Verer- 
bungsfrage individuell erworbener 
Eigensc^flen. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. 



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Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., MUnchen, 
1889, XX, 49^53. — Ottolenghi. II 
gusto nei criminali in rapporto coi nor- 
mal!. Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 
1889. X, 332-338.— Palmer (A. N.) 
Quasi-totemistic personal names in 
Wales. Archaeol.Rev., Lond., 1889-90, 
iv,iS2.— PauliUchke(P.) DieWan- 
demngen der Orom6 oder Galia Ost- 
Afrikas. Festschr. z. BegrQssung. . . . 
d. Deutsch. u.Wi^n, anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, Wien, 1889, 59-71, i pi.; 
-also^ Mitth. d. Anthrop. Gesellsch. in 
Wien, 1889, n. F., ix, 165-177. — Feet 
(S. D.) Autochthonous origin of the 
American civilization. Am. Anti- 
quarian, Mendon, 111., 1889, xi, 314- 
320. — -^ Burial mounds viewed as 
monuments. Ibid,., 359-378. I map, I 

♦ pi. Geographical distribution of 

monuments. /JiV., 267-292. 

Animal effigies and tribal history. 
Ibid,, 383-387.— Peilafiel (A. ) Ex- 
plication del'^diHce mexicain 2i PExpo- 
sition Internationale de Paris de 1889. 
Rev. d'ethnog.. Par., 1889, viii, 192- 
200.— Petrone (A.) Contribuzione 
alia teoria dell' atavismo in un caso 
raro di polimastia maschile (6 mam- 
melle). Progresso med., Napoli, 1889, 
iii, 516-524, I pi.— Plaachat (E.) 
Exposition universelle. L'Annam et 
le Tonkin. Rev. scient., Par., 1889, 
xliv, 337-342. — Pokrowski (E.) 
Mat^riaux pour servir ^ T^tude de I'^du- 
cation physique chez les difiigrents peu- 
ples de I'empire russe. Rev. d'ethnog. , 
Par., 1888, vii, 520-567.— Poole (R. 
S.) Die igyptische Classificirung der 
Menschenrassen. [Transl.from: J. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond., 1886-7, xvi, 370- 
379]. Arch. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 
1888-9, xviii, 337-341, I pi. — Porter 
(J. H.) Notes on the artificial deform- 
ation of children among savage and 
civilized peoples, with a bibliography. 
Ann. Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, pt. 2, 
Wash., 1889, 213-235.— Rabot (C.) 
Les Ostiaques les Samoy^des et les 
Ziri^nes d'aprds les travaux de M. 
Sommier. Rev. d'ethnog., Par., 1889, 
viii, 121-148.— Relohaxd (P.) Die 
Wanjamuesi. Zeitschr. f. Gesellsch. f. 
Erdkunde, Beri., 1889, xxiv, 246-260. 
— Reid (T.) Intermittent sensations. 
Nature, Lond., 1889-90, xl, 318. — 
Retsias (G.) Alphonse Bertillons 
antropometriska metod att identifiera 



brottslingar. Hygiea. Festband [etc. ] , 
Stockholm, 1889, No. 10, 1-36. — 
Robioa (F.) Recherches r6centes 
sur la religion de I'ancienne fegypte. 
Le Culte. V. Les temples 6gyptiens. 
Mus^on, Louvain, 1889, viii, 552- 
562— Rodiger (F.) Zur Frage der 
Becken-und Schalensteineim Fichtelge- 
birge. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. Gesellsch. 
f. Anthrop. , etc. , MQnchen, 1 889, xx, 7 ; 
14.— Roger (G. H.) L'h£r6dit6 dans 
les maladies infectieuses. Gaz. hebd. 
de m^d.. Par., 1889, 2. s., xxvi, 657; 
670; 685. — Rosenthal (J.) Zur 
Frage der Vererbung erworbener Eigen- 
schaften. Biol. Centralbl., Eriang., 
i889-90,ix, 510-512.— Roth (H. L.) 
On salutations. J. Anthrop. Inst., 
Lond., 1889-90, xix, 1 64-1 81. — 
Roand (J. H.) Domesday measures 
of land. Archaeol. Rev., Lond., 
1889-90, iv, 130-140. — St. John (R. 
F. St. A.) Indo- Burmese folk-lore. 
Folk-lore J., Lond., 1889, vii, 306- 
313.— Balsotto (G.) Sulla donna de- 
linquente. Arch, di psichiat., etc., 
Torino, 1889, x, 262-271.— Sander- 
son (J. S. B.) Biology. Nature, 
Lond., 1889, xl, 521-526.— Schlen- 
ning ( W.) ' Velia in Lucanien. Jahrb. 
Kaiserl. Deutsch. Arch&ol. Inst., Berl., 
1889, iv, 169-194.— Sohmldt (E.) 
Ueber Vererbung individuell erwor- 
bener Eigenschaflen. Cor.-Bl. d. 
deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., 
Mttnchen, 1888, xix, 144-148.— 
Schneider (A.) Andokides. Jahrb. 
Kaiserl. Deutsch. Archlol. Inst., Berl., 
1889, iv, 195-207. — Sohomaoher 
(K.) Archaische Vasen aus La Tolfa. 
Ibid., 228-253. — Scomp (H. A.) 
Can the race problems be solved ? 
Forum, N. Y., 1889, xxiii, 365-376.— 
Searcy (J. T.) Heredity. Med. 
Rec, N. Y., 1889, xxxvi, 314.— See- 
land (N.) La Kashgarie et les passes 
du Tian-Chan. Rev. d'anthrop.. Par., 
i888, 3. s., iii. 684; 1889, 3. s., iv, 37 ; 
306; 531.— Shufeldt (R. W.) The 
drawings of a Navajo artist. Mag. 
Am. Hist., N. Y., 1889, xxiii, 463- 
468.— Smith (De 0.) Additional 
notes on Onondaga witchcraft and Ho" 
do'-i. J. Am. Folk-lore, Bost. & N. 
Y., 1889, ii. 277-281. Onon- 
daga superstitions. Ibid, , 282. — Sny- 
der (B. F.) Anchor stones. Ann. 
Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, pt. 2, Wash., 



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87 



1889, 683-688, 3 pl.~Sominl6r (S.) 
Notedi viaggia; Mordvi; popolazione 
di Astrakan; Kalmucchi. Arch, per 
Tantrop., Firenze, 1889, xix, 1 17-157, 
6 pi.— Stearns (R. E. C.) Ethno- 
conchology : A study of primitive 
money. Ann. Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, 
pt. 2, Wash., 1889, 297-334, 9 pi.— 
Steenstrap (J.) Mammuthjseger- 
Stationen vcd Predmost i det Ssterrigske 
Kronland M&hren, efter et Besdg der i 
Juni-Juli 1888. K^s. La station des 
chasseurs de mammuths de Predmost. 
Overs, o. d. k. Danske Vidensk. Selsk. 
F5rh., KjSbenh., 1888, 145-212; ix- 
xii, I pi.— Stephen (A. M.) The 
Navajo shoemaker. Proc. U. S. Nat. 
Mus., 1888, Wash., 1^89, xi, 131-136.— 
Tassin (A. G. ) Among the Apaches. 
Overland Month., San Fran., 1889, xiv, 
31 1 ; 374. — Thompson (G.) An In- 
dian dance at Jemez, New Mexico. 
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1889, ii, 351- 
355.— Thomson (A.) On the oste- 
ology of the Veddahs of Ceylon. J. 
Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1889-90, xix, 
125-159, I tab.— Thomson (I.) 
How I crossed Masailand. Scribner*s 
Mag., N. Y., 1889, vi, 387-405. 3 pi.— 
Tomkins (Hev, H. G.) Notes on 
the Hyksds or Shepherd Kings of 
Egypt- J* Anthrop. Inst., U)nd., 
1889-90, xflk, 183-199.— Topinard 
(P.) Carte de la coirleur des yeux et 
des cheveux en France. Rev. d'an- 
throp.. Par., 1889, 3- s., iv, 5»3-530-- 
Tregear (E.) The Maoris of New 
2^aland. J. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 
1889-90, xix, 97-1 23. — Treiohel (A.) 
Hexenringe und kdrperfdrniige Gras- 
fehle. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. 
Anthrop., Berl., 1889,352-355. — Tur- 
ner (5"irW.) Anthroix>logy. Nature, 

Lond., 1889, xl. 520-533. 

Also, [Abstrj. Med. Press & Circ, 



Lond., 1889, n. s., xlviii, 327-330.-^- 
Undset (I.) Terramaren in Ungam. 
Festschr. z. BegT€ssung . . . . d. Deutsch. 
u. W ien. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 
Wien, 1889, 19-27, 2 pi. Also, Mitth. 
d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, 
n. F., ix, 125-133. 2 pi.— Variot (G.) 
Les tatouages et les peintures de la peau. 
Rev. scient.. Par., 1889. xliv, 395-401. 

Observations surla pigmentation 

cicatricielle des nigres, et recherches 
microscopiques sur l6s naevi pigmen- 
taires d'un mulfttre. Bull. Soc. d'an- 
throp. de Par., 1889, 3. 8. xii, 463. — 
Vines (S. H.) An examination of 
some points in Prof. Weismann's theory 
of heredity. Nature, Lond., 1889, xl, 
621-626.— Wake (C. S.) The dis- 
tribution of American totems. Am. 
Antiquarian, Mendon, 111., 1889, xi, 
354-358.— Ward (L. F.) The socio- ' 
logical position of proteaion and free 
trade. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1889, ii, 
289-299.— Webster (C. L.) An- 
cient mounds and earthworks in Floyd 
and Cerro Gordo Counties, Iowa. Ann. 
Rep. Smith. Inst., 1887, pt. 2, Wash., 
'889, 575-589. — Weisbaoh (A.) 
Die Zigeuner. Festschr. z. Begriis- 
sung . . . . d. Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop. 
Gesellsch. in Wien, Wien, 1889, i-ii, 
I tab.; alsot Mitth. d. anthrop. Ge- 
sellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. F., ix, 107- 
117, I ub.— Wilde (W. C.) Some 
words on thief talk. J. Am. Folk-lore, 
Bost. & N. Y., 1889, ii, 301-306.— 
Wright (G. F.) The Idaho find. 
Am. Antiquarian, Mendon, III., 1889, 
x»f 379-301. — Zampa (R.) Teste 
d'assassine e teste di galantuomini. 
Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 1889, 
X, 277-281. — Zncoarelli (A.) Un 
mattoide da romanzo. Anomalo, Na- 
poli, 1889, i, 151; 171; 197. 



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BOOK NOTICES. 

A Lendpi- English Dictionary. From an Anonymous MS, in the 
Archives of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem^ Pa, Editedy with 
Additions y by Daniel G, Brinton^ A, M,^ M, D,y Professor of 
Archceology and Linguistics in the University of Pennsylvania^ and 
Rev, Albert Seqaqkind Anthony ^ Assistant Missionary to the Dela- 
wares and Six Nations, Canada, Philadelphia : The Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania^ 1888, (The Pennsylvania Students* 
Series. Vol. I. Philadelphia : The Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, 1889.) 

Doctor Brinton has laid students of American linguistics under 
many and deep obligations, and the volume just issued will materi- 
ally increase the debt. The " Lenap^-English Dictionary" is the 
first of a series of volumes relating to the history of Pennsylvania 
which are intended to be issued by the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society. The present book does not purport to be, by any means, 
a complete dictionary of the Lenap6 language. It represents sim- 
ply the dialect employed by the Moravian missionari«, about the 
period of 1840, and is chiefly derived from a manuscript in the 
Moravian archives at Bethlehem, presumably compiled by Mr. 
Dencke. In its preparation Doctor Brinton was fortunate in being 
able to secure the co-operation of the Rev. Albert Seqaqkind 
Anthony, a native Len^p^, who is perfectly familiar with his lan- 
guage as spoken on the Six Nation Reservation, in Ontario, Canada, 
In addition to his valuable verification of the form and meaning of 
the words, this Indian scholar has made many emendations and 
additions from the present standpoint of the language and from the 
dialect of the Minsi sub-tribe, thus adding much to the substance 
and value of the work. Taken in connection with Zeisberger's 
Dictionary, the student has a very complete dictionary of the Dela- 
ware language, though the latter volume is by no means to be com- 
pared to the present work in point of accuracy and scholarship. The 
original dictionary was written, of course, in the German alphabet, 
which would impair its usefulness to the English student had not 



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Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 89 

Doctor Brinton furnished a key to the more important alphabetic 
differences. The extreme clearness and beauty of the type and the 
general make-up of the volume might serve as a model for future 
works of this character. A well-prepared index, which is really in 
the nature of an alphabetically arranged cross-reference, renders easy 
the reference from English to Lenip^, and to a great extent makes 
unnecessary an English-Lenip^ dictionary. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



Among Cannibals^ an Account of Four dears' Travels in Australia 
and of Camp-Life with the Aborigines of Queensland by Carl Lum- 
holdzy M. A,, Member of the Royal Society of Sciences of Norway, 
Translated by Rasmus B. Anderson, Ex- United States Minister 
to Denmark, with Portrait, Maps, Four Chromo-Lithographs and 
Wood' Cuts. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, i88p. 

This is an octavo volume of nearly 400 pages, handsomely printed, 
showily bound, and well illustrated. Much of the text is occupied 
by the personal adventures of the author, descriptions of scenery and 
of the life of European colonists in Australia, but there is not more 
than enough of such matter to afford a general interest to the work 
and to give the reader a fair idea of the surroundings of the race 
which forms the main subject of the work — the Cannibals of Aus- 
tralia. 

The author seems to have gone to the southeastern continent 
primarily as a zoologist. Anthropology was a secondary considera- 
tion in the beginning, but before he left the country it became 
uppermost in his thoughts. It was to find a mammal new to science 
that this explorer undertook his most perilous journey, with only 
native companions, among the wild mountains of northern Queens- 
land; but on his toilsome marches he gathered information that 
the anthropologist will value far beyond the hard-won skins of the 
boongary, which he went into the wilderness to seek. He adopted 
the best and, we might almost say, the only method of acquiring 
original ethnographic facts ; he trusted his life among the treacher- 
ous natives, lived with them and shared a common lot with them. 

The statements which he offers us as the results of a specific pur- 
pose in investigation are of great value, but the little items which he 
has picked up by the wayside when he had apparently no direct aim 
12 



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90 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

in view are of equal or often of higher importance. The compara- 
tive and the speculative ethnologist will find this book a storehouse 
of suggestive facts. 

We know from the works of other explorers that the aborigines of 
the older Australian colonies possess an elaborate social system, with 
totemic clans and a complex classification of kinship. Our author 
has apparently not investigated this question among the races of 
Queensland, or if he has he tells us nothing directly about it, but 
we can fairly conjecture that some such system exists in tropical 
Australia from certain passages, as that relating to name giving on 
page 230, and that treating of terms of relationship on page 199, 
and that speaking of tabus on page 136. 

The student of American ethnography will, we think, gain a more 
exalted idea of the cult of the northern Australians from incidents 
casually related by the author than from his formulated opinions of 
their religious beliefs. On page 136 we find an allusion to a series 
ot initiations or ordeals which the Australian male has to pass 
through between youth and old age. They seem somewhat similar 
in character to those of certain esoteric societies graduated accord- 
ing to age which exist among our American races and which 
possess most elaborate "work** in the different degrees. The oft 
quoted Korroboree is usually considered by travelers as a mere dance 
for amusement ; our author refers to it as a * * festival dance ' ' (p. 236), 
yet we feel that he gives true key to its purport when he tells us 
(p. 239), **I could not induce them to explain to me the signifi- 
cance of the performance, but still I managed to find out that it had 
some connection with the devil." That it is a ritual or religious 
dance we have no doubt. It is probable that this application of the 
word devil is derived from the colonists. It is a common practice 
among christians to regard heathen gods as devils. The Spanish 
conquerors declared that the American races worshipped the devil, 
but we now know these races had as good a lot of gods as ever 
ancient Greek or Roman prayed to. The distinction between a 
deity and a demon is often but a matter of individual judgment. 
The gods of the highest race have been vindictive and cruel. On 
the whole, from the perusal of this book, we are led to the opinion that 
the natives of Queensland have a cultus well worthy of earnest study* 

On page 284 Mr. Lumholtz declares that sacrifices are not to be 
found in Australia. On page 136 he relates that, after certain cere- 



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Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 91 

monies performed over a boy, " the strips of skin which gradually 
fall off from the wounds as they heal are gathered in a little basket, 
which he subsequently carries for some time about his neck until he 
finally throws its content out in the woods — ogives it to the 'devil,' 
as it is called. We are inclined to regard this as an instance of a 
sacrifice, but here there may be between author and reviewer a dif- 
ference of definition rather than one of opinion. 

We derive from Mr. Lumholtz' work a higher estimate of the 
autochthones of Queensland than we entertained before we read it. 
We find that they have a sign language ; that they use the message 
sticks observed in other parts of Australia ; that they have laws re- 
specting property, binding though unwritten, (p. 147); that they 
have stated occasions when the injured may right their wrongs, 
which, if inferior in development to modern courts of justice, are 
fully equal to the mediaeval passages at arms. We discover that 
wives are often treated with respect and even with fondness, that 
women have influence, and that their voice is not without its weight 
in tribal councils. 

In describing a Karrobee^ he says, (p. 239) : " On one side of 
the square, opposite the music, a sort of chamber was constructed 
where the chief performers made their toilets and kept themselves 
concealed until the performance commenced." Is not this merely 
the antipodal counter-part of the medicine-lodge of the American 
ceremonies ? He speaks also of the presence of clowns at the 
dance ; similar characters are commonly seen at Indian rites. The 
picture of the sepulchral scaffold, on p. 275, might be used to illus- 
trate a book of travel in Dakota 20 years ago. But the parallels 
between Australian and American ethnography might fill a volume. 

The work is readable. No one who peruses the first chapter will 
lay the book aside until he has finished it. The author satisfies our 
curiosity on many points, but he arouses it and leaves it still crav- 
ing on many more. We wish he had witnessed a cannibal feast and 
could tell us thereof as much from personal observation as he has 
told us of the snake-feast. We think we could have condoned his 
offence even had he joined the natives in a hunt for idlogro ; but we 
must not expect everything. He has accomplished wonders in four 
years' travel, occupied as he was with other interests, yet we close 
the book with the conviction that there is much more to be told. 
We feel that the lore of the savages of Australia is like the gold of 



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92 THE AMKBICAN ANTHROPOTXKMST. [Vol. III. 

her mountains, though far more precious, and that much more re- 
mains behind than has ever been taken away. 

We hope that Mr. Lumholtz' work among the Australians is not 
ended, and that he may be afforded further opportunities of pursu- 
ing his investigations. He is peculiarily fitted for an explorer. 
He possesses youth, strength, a good digestion, a ** strong stomach,** 
a resolute purpose, a Norseman's valor, an enthusiastic love for his 
work, and, above all, a clear understanding of the peculiar difficul- 
ties which beset the path of the ethnographer. Who that has ever 
wrestled in spirit with the wily savage to win from him the secrets 
of his heart will not agree with the opinions expressed in the first 
paragraph on page 228, which he closes by saying: **The best in- 
formation is secured by paying attention to their own conversations. 
If you ask them questions they simply try to guess what answers 
you would like and then they give such responses as they think will 
please you. This is the reason why so many have been deceived 
by the savages, and this is the source of all the absurd stories about 
the Australian blacks.*' 

W. Matthews. 



La France Prthistorique (Taprh Les StpuUures et les Monuments 
par imile Cartailhac, Paris^ i88g. 

The director of the well-known review, Mattriaux pour mistoire 
primitive de t Homme ^ gives the result of many years of labor in this 
volume of 336 octavo pages with 162 illustrations in the text. While 
its title restrict its scope to the territory of France and its line of 
prehistoric researches to sepulchral and monumental remains, those 
are introduced by a general discussion on the antiquity of man and 
the primitive stages of his culture. Also throughout the volume 
comparisons and parallels taken from all parts of the world are pre- 
sented in illustration and explanation of the topics under immediate 
examination. The author announces that the present monograph, 
devoted exclusively to the age of stone, will be followed by one upon 
the early part of the metallic age. 

The most marked characteristic of the work is that it is not con- 
finied to a statement of facts more or less definitely ascertained, as is 
the usual course in treatises intended for simple tuition, but that it 



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Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 93 

directs at least equal attention to the still uncertain problems upon 
which the continued efforts of intelligent students may profitably be 
engaged. The author emphatically professes as his guiding princi- 
ple that all theories, of whatever apparent value, should retain only 
a provisional character. He declares that the essential mode of 
reaching the truth is to make avowal of ignorance, and that the 
definition of the boundaries of the unknown is the first step in the 
promotion of discovery. This cautious and philosophic attitude is 
in marked contrast to the haste and dogmatism which have been 
shown in some other treatises on prehistoric man. It is illustrated 
in his judicious, and indeed judicial, discussion of the two so-called 
Canstadt and Cro-Magnon races, which he concludes by a note of 
warning on the impossibility of forming valid reasoning from the 
small number of crania available for study. Granting the races as 
once distinct, their marches and counter-marches in migrations 
would necessarily have involved the frequent marriage jf the male 
invaders with the women of the invaded people, and hence hybridi- 
zation. Intricate mathematical devices for the study of prehistoric 
man have been unproductive in result. Paleontologists have not 
found such devices to be necessary in the classification of fossil 
animals. In every recent year new instruments of precision have 
been invented for the comparative mensuration of all the bones of 
man, and cranial measurement has been refined to such an extent as 
to require eighty groups of figures for its record, yet all with dubi- 
ous advantage. 

Perhaps the most positive, and at the same time the most useful 
general remarks made by the author on a controverted theme, are 
on the length of the neolithic age. These remarks suggest the 
mobility of peoples and their propagation by dispersal as distinct 
from their migrations in bodies, during the neolithic age. The 
gradual results of immigration and emigration and of intertribal 
connection would account for much of what has been attributed, in 
a loose and grandiose style, to cataclysmic irruptions and convul- 
sions. The causes of change in population which are now in opera- 
tion were, with proper allowance for differing conditions, in opera- 
tion in prehistoric times. But, as the author infers, such views re- 
quire the admission that the neolithic period was of much longer 
duration than has generally been granted to it in the anthropologic 
chronology. , 



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94 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

This excellent work will be more appreciated by the general 
student than by specialists, for the reason that specialists are not 
often philosophic. 

Garrick Mallery. 



Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-Tales with Notes on the Origin^ 
Customs^ and Character of the Pawnee People^ by George Bird 
GrinnelL New York Forest and Stream Publishir^ Company ^ 
i88p. 

It has long been known that our Indians possessed a rich store of 
hero tales and mythology, and that by the narration of these their 
winter camp-fires were enlivened, the brave deeds done by their 
warriors were handed down, and the mythical explanation of things 
were perpetuated ^rom generation to generation. A vast number of 
these stories have been gathered from time to time by travelers and 
by students. As repeated by the former the tales are but too often 
the skeletons of the full narrations, while the literal translations of 
the professed student, though of great value to the linguist, are by 
no means so well adapted to the wants of the ordinary reader. 

The present volume, therefore, will be welcome to a large class, 
both because the author's long and intimate acquaintance with the 
Pawnees enables him to speak whereof he knows, while his literary 
skill enables him to present his subject in a most attractive style. 
The author has seized the opportunity to preserve these stories none 
too soon, for the tribe has wo fully diminished of late years. When 
he knew them on the Loup Fork, in Nebraska, in 1870, they num- 
bered 3,000, while now they number but about 800. The knowl- 
edge of the old traditions and of the myths disappear almost as 
rapidly, and to delay their collection means to lose much of the 
aboriginal flavor. White influence has already had a marked effect 
upon many of the customs and beliefs, as appears by the author's 
statement of Pawnee faith in one supreme deity, a belief which, in 
the case of no tribe, antedated contact with the European. 

The folk-tales selected are of peculiar interest, and some of them 
doubtless date back to a remote period, though from the nature of 
their character such stories alter somewhat with each generation. 
Being in their essential character Indian philosophy — ii e,, an 
attempt to explain the nature and causes of phenomena, they in- 



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Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 95 

sensibly change with the growth of the people and embody new 
thoughts as knowledge and experience widen. Thus, though tradi- 
tional, they are to be regarded as only to a slight extent historical, 
a truth which applies to hero-tale and myth alike. 

The Pawnees are fortunate in having a historian so friendly and 
patriotic as Mr. Grinnell. No battle-scarred warrior to the manor 
bom could exhibit more enthusiasm for Pawnee prowess in war and 
generosity in peace, or be more ready to detect and praise Pawnee 
virtues of all kinds than he. Other writers, with a like personal 
intimacy with other tribes, have shown the same partiality for them 
and, it may be added, the same poor opinion of alien and hostile 
tribes. There is scarcely a tribe prominently known in history which 
has not thus been exalted at the expense of other tribes — ^proof that 
virtues dwell in all alike, ready to spring forth at the touch of 
friendly intercourse. The Indian, makes a capital friend and a 
dreaded enemy. 

The author's ** Notes on the Pawnees" occupy 193 of the 417 
pages of the volume and contain some extremely interesting and 
valuable matter. His story of ** A Summer Hunt " is a most graphic 
picture of the old time buffalo hunt, now a memory of the past, and 
nothing so good in its line has appeared since Parkman gave us his 
** California and Oregon Trail." 

Under the head of ** Relationships " the author enumerates the 
Pawnee divisions and the cognate tribes, but in his ethnologic 
details he is less happy that in other portions of the volume. It may 
be stated with confidence that, contrary to the author's conclusions, 
the Tonkaways and Lipans are not related to the Pawnees nor to 
each other. The Lipan and Tonkaway have been long associated 
and are extensively intermarried, and thus doubtless has arisen a 
confused idea as to their respective languages. The Tonkaway are, 
in fact, not known to be related to any other tribe, but stand apart 
and constitute a distinct linguistic family. If the Tonkaway per- 
sonal names are similar to the Pawnee, the fact is curious and worthy 
of investigation, though it is by no means unknown for personal 
names to be borrowed from another tribe. The possession of similar 
songs may be explained by their purchase, a common Indian prac- 
tice, or they too may have been borrowed, not perhaps directly from 
the Pawnee, but from some related tribe. Prior to the Civil War 
the Tonkaway were placed upon a reservation in Indian Territory, 



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96 THE AMBRICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol.111. 

where they were associated with Witchitas, Towakenoes, Caddos, 
Kichai, and Waco, all Pawnian tribes, and thus opportunity was 
afforded for unlimited borrowing. 

The relationship of the Lipan to the Pawnee has been affirmed 
before, as Dunbar noted (p. 219), and for a very curious reason. An 
old spelling of the name is Lee-panes. The first syllable Lee- haS 
been erroneously assumed to be the French particle Le, and so trans- 
lated, The Panes or Pawnees. In point of fact the Lipan are a 
branch of the Apaches and speak an Apache dialect, which in turn 
belongs to the great Athapaskan or Tinn6 family of languages of 
British America. If, as the author probably correctly states, the 
Pawnees and their congeners originally came from the south, the 
Apache and Lipan, with the same or greater certainty, originated in 
the far north, and the only bond of kinship between the two peoples 
is that common to all Indian tribes wherever found. 

The value of the book does not depend upon such details as these 
and should not be judged by them. Altogether the volume may be 
commended both to the student and the general reader as one of the 
very best of its class. Scattered through it are cuts of characteristic 
Pawnee faces, costumes, and implements, which add to its attractive 
appearance and are in keeping with the generally excellent make-up 
of the book. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



Bibliography of the Muskhogean Languages by James Consiantine 
Pilling, fVashington: Government Printing Office, 188^ (Bul- 
letin of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology.) 

The interest in American linguistics here and abroad is evidently 
increasing, and the number of scholars in the country at present 
engaged in the study of Indian languages, though even now not 
large, is a constantly growing one ; ere long the subject will receive 
the attention it deserves. It is to be remarked, however, that as the 
number of students increase opportunities to collect material are 
diminishing, and with ever increasing rapidity. As the Indians die 
out, opportunities for original investigation die with them, and thus 
it appears that the duty of the hour for linguistic students is to 
accumulate and preserve the vanishing material rather than to elabo- 
rately study it. While the labors of Mr. Pilling concern the dis- 
covery and record of the linguistic material already gathered, they 



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il'. . - ' ■ ^ • 

Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES.: > .. -^. \v^S 

■ •• . v J^h^ -•' 

have a distinct and important value, since they not onfjrfecord the 
titles of books and tell where they may be consulted, but they furn- 
ish a comparative view of what has been done and of what remains 
to do to perfect the material for study in each group of languages. 
The fourth instalment of Mr. Filling's work is now at hand in the 
"Bibliography of the Muskhogean Languages." The author's 
original plan contemplated a large volume, to include the whole 
subject of Indian bibliography, and in fact proof-sheets of this were 
printed and distributed among a small number of students. The 
present method of a separate bibliography for each linguistic stock 
is a great improvement, for as the studies of each student are gener- 
ally confined to the languages and dialects of one family, the present 
plan brings within handy compass just the material needed by each 
one, and no more. Though based upon the material accumulated 
under the earlier plan of a single volume, the present Muskhogean 
bibliography is much more full than its predecessor, as it embodies 
the results of the compiler's later extensive researches, both at home 
and abroad, in public and private libraries. All the entries are 
under one alphabetic arrangement, a plan at once so simple and 
convenient that no one can fail to find what he is in search of or to 
learn just what material is available for study. To the latter end 
the plan adopted of cross-reference from the tribes to the matter 
published in the particular dialect, and to the authors, is an admira- 
ble one. 

The fifth instalment is to be the Algonquian family — the most 
fruitful in material of all — and thb is already far advanced toward 
completion. Altogether, linguistic scholars are greatly indebted to 
Mr. Pilling for the energy and thoroughness with which he has 
prosecuted his researches and for the admirable way in which they 
are presented, and to the Bureau of Ethnology under whose auspices 
the work has been prosecuted. 

F. A. Sekly. 



13 



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98 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The Legends and Myths of Hawaii^ The Fables and Folk-Lore of a 
Strange People. By His Hawaiian Majesty Kalakaua, Edited 
and with an Introduction by Hon, R. M, Daggett. New York : 
Charles L. Webster 6f* Co., 1888. 8vOy pp, 530, with mapypll., 
and ill. 

Among the numerous works on folk-lore which have recently 
appeared, the present book is far from being the least important. 
Its interest consists in the fact that it contains the legends of one of 
a series of groups of isolated peoples extending over a vast area, 
though connected by linguistic and ethnic affinities, and in the addi- 
tional fact that these mythical and semi-historical tales have been 
compiled and arranged by the ruler of the people among whom they 
are preserved. Though Kalakaua is known to be a writer of good 
English, and is probably fully competent for the production of these 
tales, no doubt the volume has benefited by the collaboration of 
Mr. Daggett, who in addition to his editorship supplies a valuable 
introduction of 65 pages. 

In theorizing as to the origin of the Hawaiians, Mr. Daggett dis- 
cards the current idea that they are of Malayan origin and adopts 
the view of the late Judge Fornander, who believed the Polynesian 
and Malayan races to be distinct, and traces the Hawaiian people to 
an Aryan origin in Asia. Mr. Daggett sees proofs of such an origin 
in the old Hawaiian religion, which he states has a ** theocracy of 
curious structure," **a system of idolatrous forms and sacrifices 
engrafted without consistency upon the Jewish story of the creation, 
the fall of man, the revolt of Lucifer, the Deluge, and the repopula- 
tion of the earth." 

In answering the question, " How did the Hawaiian priesthood 
become possessed of the story of the Hebrew genesis?" Mr. Daggett 
discards the idea that the story was acquired through Israelitish con- 
tact with the ancestors of the Polynesians, and offers as more reason- 
able the assumption that the ** Hawaiian theogony, so strangely 
perpetuated, is an independent and perhaps original version of a 
series of creation legends common in the remote past to the Cushite, 
Semite, and Aryan tribes," and he might have added to most other 
peoples of the earth. If such criteria are to be relied upon as proof 
of origin and genetic relationship, then truly the whole world is 
akin. The mythology and customs of the North American Indians 
offer a great many parallels to Israelitish and other ancient beliefs 



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Jan. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 99 

as Striking as the Polynesian, and writers have not failed to use 
them to prove the descent of the Indians from Aryan or Semite an- 
cestors. 

According to recent anthropologic investigations it would appear 
that the groups of the Pacific, usually designated as the Polynesians, 
and the remaining insular peoples, termed the Papuans — one branch 
of which is represented by the Malagasy of Madagascar — are allied, 
although the former are distinguished by having wavy hair and 
light complexion, and the latter woolly hair and a dusky skin. 

The Hawaiian Islands were made known to the world through 
their discovery by Capt. Cook in January, 1778, although it is 
stated that a manuscript chart, still in existence in the archives of 
the Spanish Government, goes to prove that these Islands had been 
discovered as early as 1555, by Juan Gaetano, on his trip from the 
coast of Mexico to the Spice Islands. 

The first appearance of the Hawaiians in their present habitat 
was, according to tradition, about the middle of the sixth century, 
and at intervals other bands continued to arrive from the southern 
islands, presumably the Society group. 

In the introduction is presented a list of sovereigns of Hawaii, 
giving the dates and duration of their reigns, commencing in 1095, 
and ending with the present ruler. The law of the tabu is explained 
as having been ''a prerogative adhering exclusively to political and 
ecclesiastical rank. It was a command either to do or not to do, and 
the meaning of it was ' obey or die.* *' T\it pulaulaUy or tabu mark, 
was placed upon or opposite anything not to be trespassed upon or 
to be entered — as the temples. The tabu color of royalty was yellow, 
while that of the priesthood was red, and feather mantles of these 
colors could be used only by kings and princes. A royal robe of 
this character is in the ethnologic collection of the National 
Museum in this city. 

No reference is made either to the former practice of tattooing 
in Hawaii, or to the pictographic delineation of objects or ideas, 
although it is well known that petroglyphs occur quite frequently 
in some of the southern groups of islands, as well as the evidences 
of a past knowledge of some form of mnemonic characters. 

In addition to an interesting account of the ancient religion, 
arts, habits and customs, illustrations are given of various utensils 
and weapons. Of the twenty-one legends presented those embraced 
between the first and the sixteenth, "The Destruction of the 



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100 THE AMERICAN ANTHBOPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Temples," relate to that period of Hawaiian history from the twelfth 
to the beginning of the present century. The remaining narratives 
are more purely mythical and relate chiefly to Hawaiian gods and 
goddesses. 

The appendix consists of a glossary of over 450 words, with a 
brief note respecting the language, which, properly, contains but 
twelve characters, five vowels and seven consonants. 

The character of the volume is such as to reflect great credit upon 
its author and to insure its welcome among folk-lore students. 

W. J. Hoffman. 



NOTES AND NEWS. 

The Descendants of PALfiOLiTHic Man in America. — In an 
interesting article in the Deceipber number of the Popular Science 
Monthly, Dr. Abbot presents some important conclusions from 
recent studies from the Trenton district. He is convinced from 
long experience, that " in the vast majority of instances stone im- 
plements are practically in the same position that they were when 
buried, lost, or discarded.*' 

In certain upland fields, never far from water courses, and in the 
alluvial mud of the tide-water meadows of the Delaware, he finds 
** well designed spear points, larger than Indian arrowheads, which 
might readily be supposed to be the handiwork of the historic 
Indians.'* Not more than 20 per cent, of these are found in other 
situations. With these he correlates a " rude pottery " found by 
Prof. Lockwood, in upland fields of the same locality. Referring 
such implements to palaeolithic man, he concludes that he or his 
immediate descendants were not ** strictly amphibious" but that 
they resorted to the forests and uplands for game. 

The spear points are of argillite, as are the rude gravel imple- 
ments which have been referred to the glacial epoch, and he con- 
cludes that the former indicate " no change of race, no abrupt 
transition from one method of tool-making to that of another, but 
merely an improvement that was doubtless as gradual as the change 
fi-om the epoch of glacial cold to that of our moderate climate of 
to-day." He finds a marked preponderance of argillite implements 
on the crests of the uplands and a very great excess of jasper and 



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Jan. 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 101 

quartz on the bottom land, or that* directly adjacent to the stream, 
and hence infers that when these higher points were occupied, the 
present streams maintained a uniform flow as high as the freshet 
stage of the present water courses. The fact that Indian village 
sites are nearer the water courses indicates that the ** volume of 
water in all our streams, comparing century with century, is grad- 
ually lessening." 

In solving the question of the race which made argillite imple- 
ments, he seems inclined to dissent from the quoted conclusion of 
Prof. Haynes that, "the palaeolithic man of the river gravels at 
Trenton and his argillite using posterity, the writer believes to be 
completely extinct," and believes that they who fashioned these 
rude argillite implements were the descendants of palaeolithic man, 
and his superior in so far as a knowledge (>f the bow and arrow and 
rude pottery indicates," 

• This intermediate people he refers to the Eskimo. He does not 
consider that the Eskimo are necessarily the descendants of the 
more advanced palaeolithic people, but that both were derived from 
palaeolithic man. 

The conclusion reached by Dr. Abbott, that the palaeolithic man 
of the Trenton gravels did not remain absolutely stationary in 
respect to his arts, but improved his rude argillite implements to an 
extent which renders them comparable with Indian productions of 
a like nature, seems reasonable enough. To conclude also, that 
palaeolithic man, habituated as he was to a cold climate and to the 
arts engendered thereby, followed the retreating ice-sheet north- 
ward, as doubtless did the animals and birds upon which he subsis- 
ted, and finally developed into the Eskimo, is not unreasonable. 

The probability that some of the palaeolithic men who dwelt at 
the edge of the ice-sheet when it occupied New Jersey, may have 
remained, and that " their descendants changed in their habits, so 
as to meet the requirements of a temperate climate," did not escape 
Dr. Abbott's attention. 

Palaeolithic man of New Jersey, habituated to a temperate cli- 
mate^ — and the gradual recession of the ice-sheet with the consequent 
slow change of climate, fauna and flora gave ample time for such 
habitude — seems to possess all the requirements of the North 
American Indian. In fact, the Eskimo himself seems to be no 
other being, so far as we have evidence, than the Indian under the 
peculiar conditions of arctic climate. In some respects he is highly 



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102 THE AMBRICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

specialized by the peculiar conditions of his life which merely 
means, I take it, that in order to live at all in the regions which he 
chose for his own, or was driven to, he brought himself into har- 
mony with his surroundings, as have all other tribes and peoples 
wheresoever they live. But his language, arts, institutions, religion, 
methods of subsistence, and perhaps also his physical traits hardly 
differ more from many other stocks of Indians than such stocks do 
from each other. 

The explanation of the origin of the many distinct families of 
Indians — and there are fifty-eight north of Mexico — will explain the 
origin of the Eskimo stock as well. There seems to be no present 
proof of a cataclysm which divides palaeolithic man in this country 
from his successor, the North American Indian, and until such 
proof is forthcoming, it is more rational to consider palaeolithic 
man as he who first left traces of his presence in this country and 
bequeathed his rude arts in unbroken succession to descendants who 
lived on and were found by Columbus in full possession of the 
land. 



Mound Exploration in Georgia. — The results of a recent in- 
vestigation of a Georgia mound by Mr. Reynolds, of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, are among the most remarkable yet recorded. This 
mound was discovered in a bend of the Savannah river, three 
miles from Hollywood and about the same distance from Silver Bluff, 
one of the supposed sites of the ancient town of Cutifachiqui. It 
proved to be a burial mound of the stratified type — the sub-stratum 
being a hard vegetable or "crawfish** soil, seven feet in depth, and 
the upper a sandy micaceous loam. ITie subsoil alone contained 
the interments. 

Human Crania. — Only the merest traces of crania and teeth re- 
mained. The conditions were very conducive to decay. 

Pottery, — The pottery consists of twenty-three clay pots, ranging 
in size from small narrow neck jars to huge urns or cooking vessels 
containg about sixteen gallons. Two of the latter class, elaborately 
ornamented by means of a stamping and combing process, respect- 
ively, are considered the largest specimens of aboriginal pottery yet 
discovered. One of the smaller specimens, which doubtless bears 
some religious significance and which from its character has been 



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Jan. 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 103 

denominated "the triune pot," consists of a vase, the neck of which 
unites three uniform human heads that form its base. Another, which 
might also have served some mythological function is elaborately 
and ingeniously carved, the carving being that of two symbolical 
rattlesnakes, their heads surmounted by horns, and their teeth, fangs, 
and rattles faithfully and skillfully executed. In one portion where 
the winding outline of the two serpents affords the space a human 
face is delineated in a somewhat grotesque manner. The tempering 
material of the pottery consists of a micaceous sand. 

Copper Implements, — ^These were four celts of hammered, laminated 
copper, with more or less flaring edges. They were evidently objects 
more of treasure than of utility, for they had been wrapped in cloth 
and encased in bark, as was indicated by the remains of these per- 
ishable materials preserved by contact with the carbonate of copper. 

Copper Ornaments, — ^These were plates of thin copper, with 
aboriginal figures worked in relief and similar in type to the repouss6 
specimens found in the celebrated mound at Etowah. Owing to 
the thinness of the copper and the great degree of oxidation that 
had occurred these specimens were found broken and so brittle that 
it was with difficulty they could be handled. These evidently were 
also objects highly prized by their owners, since they had been en- 
veloped first in some kind of leather, which in turn was wrapped in 
a fine rush matting, and the whole encased in bark. 

Several copper-sheathed wooden bosses were also found, similar 
in type to those described by Dr. Jo^ph Jones from a mound in 
Tennessee. 

Galenite, — Four lumps of crude galenite, each about the size of a 
hen's egg, were interred with the above specimens of copper. 

Textile Fabrics, — The traces of textile fabrics that appear with 
the copper specimens and preserved by contact with the copper 
carbonate, are of the primitive aboriginal type. The cloth is of the 
twined combination described by Mr. Holmes under group No. 2, 
in his work on Prehistoric Textile Fabrics. The fibre is vegetable, 
most probably of mulberry bark or cane. The rush matting is of 
the simple interlacing type, but the texture is of a finer quality than 
any hitherto found. 

Pipes, — ^There were also found eleven pipes ingeniously carved, 
some from stone others from clay. All present a distinct type. 
One represents the head and body of an owl ; another, carved from 



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104 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

soapstone, the figure of a sitting man with legs crossed and heels 
against the buttocks. The bowl of the pipe is in his lap and held 
between his hands. Hands, features, and head-dress are most skill- 
fully delineated and the whole indicates a marked advance in the 
sculptor's art. 

Stone Implements, — Many stone implements, such as flint spear- 
heads, celts, chisels, sharpening, and discoidal stones were found. 
Probably the most perfect and remarkable specimen of its kind is 
an extremely symmetrical bi-concave disk of* marble, having a small 
uniform pit or depression in the center of each concavity. 

-^ifo/Zr.— Perforated beads of pearl and shell were found in close 
proximity to the remains of human teeth. The shell beads were 
quite plentiful, and were of three types— some being prototypes of 
the beads discovered in the great mound at Etowah. 

These burials were all deposited upon a thin layer of sand upon 
two general levels within the lower division of the mound. Upon 
each level they lay in a circle just beneath hearths or fire-beds which 
appear to indicate the subsequent performance of some ceremony 
with fire over the spot where the burials had been made. None of 
the interments can be considered intrusive since the homogeneity 
of the lower soil in which they lay was undisturbed. * 

Mr. Reynolds* report describing in full the features and contents 
of this mound, will be duly published, with illustrations, in one of 
the Bulletins of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



Os iNCiE. — In a series of eighty-two skulls belonging to the Ca- 
nadian Institute, coming from various parts of the province of 
Ontario, probably mostly Algonkins, I find that the Os Incce is 
perfectly developed in only one skull; or in 1.22 per cent, (in 
exact figures, 1.2195). I have not completed a careful examination 
for the Os quadratum and allied varieties. 

A. F. Chamberlain. 



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THE 

American Anthropologist. 

Vol. III. WASHINGTON, D. C, APRIL, 1890. No. 2. 

THE CHEROKEE BALL PLA7. 

BY JAMES MOONEY. 

The Indian game of the ball play is common to all the tribes 
from Maine to California, and from the sunlit waters of the Gulf of 
Mexico to the frozen shores of Hudson bay. When or where the 
Indian first obtained the game it is not our province to inquire, but 
we may safely assume that the brown-skinned savage shaped the 
pliant hickory staff with his knife and flint and twisted the net of 
bear sinew ages before visions of a western world began to float 
through the brain of the Italian dreamer. 

In its general features, Indian ball play was the same all over the 
country, with this important exception, that among the northern 
and western tribes the player used but one ball stick, while in the 
Gulf States each contestant carried two and caught the ball between 
them. In California men and women played together, while among 
most of the more warlike tribes to the eastward it was pre-eminently 
a manly game, and it was believed to insure defeat to a party if a 
woman even so much as touched a ball stick. 

The game has a history, even though that history be fragmentary, 
like all that goes to make up the sum of our knowledge of the 
aboriginal race. The French, whose light-hearted gaiety and ready 
adaptability so endeared them to the hearts of their wild allies, 
were quick to take up the Indian ball game as a relief from the 
dreary monotony of long weeks in the garrison or lonely days in 
the forest. It became a favorite pastime, and still survives among 
the Creoles of Louisiana under the name of RaquetU^ while in the 
more invigorating atmosphere of the north it assumed a new life, 
and, with the cruder features eliminated, became the famous Canadian 
national game of La Crosse, It was by means of a cleverly devised 
14 (ro5) 



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106 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Stratagem of a ball play that the savage warriors of Pontiac were 
enabled to surprise and capture the English garrison of old Fort 
Mackinaw in 1763. Two years before the Ojibwa chief had sent 
the ominous message: "Englishmen, although you have conquered 
the French, you have not yet conquered us;'* but the warning was 
unheeded. The vengeance of the savage may sleep, but never dies. 
On the fourth of June, 1763, the birthday of King George of 
England, the warriors of two great tribes assembled in front of the 
fort, ostensibly to play a game in honor of the occasion and to de- 
cide the tribal championship. The commandant himself came out 
to encourage his favorites and bet on the result, while the soldiers 
leaned against the palisades and the squaws sat about in groups, all 
intently watching every movement of the play. Suddenly there 
comes a crisis in the game. One athletic young fellow with a 
powerful stroke sends the ball high in air, and as it descends in a 
graceful curve it rolls along the ground to the gate of the fort, fol- 
lowed by four hundred yelling savages. But look ! As they run 
each painted warrior snatches from his squaw the hatchet which she 
had concealed under her blanket, and the next moment it is buried 
in the brain of the nearest soldier. The English, taken completely 
by surprise, are cut down without resistance. In a few minutes all 
is over, and a solitary trader, loolcing out from the garret where 
he had been hidden by a friendly squaw, sees the ground covered 
with the bodies of his slaughtered countrymen, while with yells of 
savage victory their butchers are drinking the blood scooped up in 
the hollow of their joined hands. 

Let us turn from this dark picture to more recent times. In the 
late war three hundred of the East Cherokee entered the Confed- 
erate service, and in the summer of 1863— just a century after the 
fatal day of Mackinaw — a detachment of them was left to guard 
the bridge over the Holston river, at Strawberry Plains, in Tennessee. 
But an Indian never takes kindly to anything in the nature of garri- 
son duty, and time hung heavy on their hands. At last, in a moment 
of inspiration, one man proposed that they make some ball sticks 
and have a game. The suggestion was received with hearty favor, 
and soon all hands were at work putting up the poles, shaping the 
hickory sticks, and twisting the bark for the netting. The*prelimi- 
nary ceremonies were dispensed with for once, the players stripped, 
and the game began, while the rest of the Indians looked on with 
eager interest. Whether Wolf Town or the Big Cove would have 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 107 

won that game will never be known, for in the middle of it an ad- 
vanced detachment of the "Yankees** slipped in, burned the 
bridge, and were moving forward, when the Cherokee, losing all 
interest in the game, broke for cover and left the Federals in pos- 
session of the ground. 

In 1834, before the removal of the Cherokee to the west, a great 
game was played near the present site of Jasper, Georgia, between 
the settlements of Hickory Log and Coosawattee, in which there 
were eighteen players on a side, and the chiefs of the rival settle- 
ments wagered |i,ooo apiece on the result. 

There is a tradition among the few old traders still living in upper I 
Georgia, to the effect that a large tract in this part of the state was I 
won by the Cherokee from the Creeks in a ball play. There are no! 
Cherokee now living in Georgia to substantiate the story, but I am' 
inclined to put some faith in it from the fact that Coosawattee, 
although the name of a Cherokee settlement, signifies " the old 
country of the Creeks.*' The numerous localities in the Southern 
States bearing the name of "Ball Flat,** "Ball Ground,*' and 
"Ball Play** bear witness to the fondness of the Indian for the 
play. To the red warrior it was indeed a royal game, worthy to be 
played on the king's day, with the empire of the northwest for 
the stake. 

As speed and suppleness of limb and a considerable degree of 
muscular strength are prime requisites in the game, the players are 
always selected from among the most athletic young men, and to be 
known as an expert player was a distinction hardly less coveted 
than fame as a warrior. To bring the game to its highest perfec- 
tion, the best players voluntarily subjected themselves to a regular 
course of training and conjuring ; so that in time they came to be 
regarded as professionals who might be counted on to take part in 
every contest, exactly like the professional ball player among the 
whites. To farther incite them to strain every nerve for victory, 
two settlements, or sometimes two rival tribes, were always pitted 
against each other, and guns, blankets, horses — everything the 
Indian had or valued — ^were staked upon the result. The prayers 
and ceremonies of the shamans, the speeches of the old men, and 
the songs of the dancers were all alike calculated to stimulate to 
the highest pitch the courage and endurance of the contestants. 

It is a matter of surprise that so little has been said of this game 
by travelers and other observers of Indian life. Powers, in his 



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108 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

great work upon the California tribes, dismisses it in a brief para- 
graph ; the notices in Schoolcraft's six bulky volumes altogether 
make hardly two pages, while even the artist Catlin, who spent years 
with the wild tribes, has but little to say of the game itself, although 
his spirited ball pictures go far to make amends for the deficiency. 
All these writers, however, appear to have confined their attention 
almost entirely to the play alone, noticing the ball-play dance only 
briefly, if at all, and seeming to be completely unaware of the secret 
ceremonies and incantations — the fasting, bathing, and other mystic 
rites — which for days and weeks precede the play and attend every 
step of the game; so that it may be said without exaggeration. that a 
full exposition of the Indian ball play would furnish material for a 
fair sized volume. During several field seasons spent with the East 
Cherokee in North Carolina, the author devoted much attention to 
the study of the mythology and ceremonial of this game, which 
will now be described as it exists to-day among these Indians. For 
illustration, the last game witnessed on the reservation, in September, 
1889, will be selected. 

According to a Cherokee myth, the animals once challenged the 
birds to a great ball play. The wager was accepted, the prelimi- 
naries were arranged, and at last the contestants assembled at the 
appointed spot — the animals on the ground, while the birds took 
position in the tree-tops to await the throwing up of the ball. On 
the side of the animals were the bear, whose ponderous weight bore 
down all opposition ; the deer, who excelled all others in running ; 
and the terrapin, who was invulnerable to the stoutest blows. 
On the side of the birds were the eagle, the hawk, and the great 
Tldniwd — all noted for their swiftness and power of flight. While 
the latter were pruning their feathers and watching every motion 
of their adversaries below they noticed two small creatures, hardly 
larger than mice, climbing up the tree on which was perched the 
leader of the birds. Finally they reached the top and humbly 
asked the captain to be allowed to join in the game. The captain 
looked at them a moment and, seeing that they were four-footed, 
asked them why they did not go to the animals where they properly 
belonged. The little things explained that they had done so, but 
had been laughed at and rejected on account of their diminutive 
size. On hearing their story the bird captain was disposed to take 
pity on them, but there was one serious difficulty in the way — how 
could they join the birds when they had no wings ? The eagle, the 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 109 

hawk, and the rest now crowded around, and after some discussion 
it was decided to try and make wings for the little fellows. But 
how to do it ! All at once, by a happy inspiration, one bethought 
himself of the drum which was to be used in the dance. The head 
was made of ground-hog leather, and perhaps a corner could be 
cut off and utilized for wings. No sooner suggested than done. 
Two pieces of leather taken from the drum-head were cut into 
shape and attached to the legs of one of the small animals, and 
thus originated Tlameha, the bat. The ball was now tossed up, and 
the bat was told to catch it, and his expertness in dodging and cir- 
cling about, keeping the ball constantly in motion and never allow- 
ing it to fall to the ground, soon convinced the birds that they had 
gained a most valuable ally. 

They next turned their attention to the other little creature, and 
now behold a worse difficulty ! All their leather had been used in 
making the wings for the bat, and there was no time to send for 
more. In this dilemma it was suggested that perhaps wings might 
be made by stretching out the skin of the animal itself. So two 
large birds seized him from opposite sides with their strong bills, 
and by tugging and pulling at his fur for several minutes succeeded 
in stretching the skin between the fore and hind feet until at last 
the thing was done and there was Tewa^ the flying squirrel. Then 
the bird captain, to try him, threw up the ball, when the flying 
squirrel, with a graceful bound, sprang off the limb and, catching 
it in his teeth, carried it through the air to another tree-top a hun- 
dred feet away. 

When all was ready the game began, but at the very outset the 
flying squirrel caught the ball and carried it up a tree, then threw it 
to the birds, who kept it in the air for some time, when it dropped ; 
but just before it reached the ground the bat seized it, and by his 
dodging and doubling kept it out of the way of even the swiftest 
of ^the animals until he finally threw it in at the goal, and thus won 
the victory for the birds. Because of their assistance on this occa- 
sion, the ball player invokes the aid of the bat and the flying 
squirrel and ties a small piece of the bat*s wing to his ball stick or 
fastens it to the frame on which the sticks are hung during the 
dance. 

The game, which of course has different names among the 
various tribes, is called anetsd by the Cherokee. The ball season 
begins about the middle of summer and lasts until the weather 



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110 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

is too cold to permit exposure of the naked body, for the players 
are always stripped for the game. The favorite time is in the fall, 
after the corn has ripened, for then the Indian has abundant leisure, 
and at this season a game takes place somewhere on the reservation 
at least every other week, while several parties are always in train- 
ing. The training consists chiefly of regular athletic practice, the 
players of one side coming together with their ball sticks at some 
convenient spot of level bottom land, where they strip to the waist, 
divide into parties, and run, tumble, and toss the ball until the sun 
goes down. The Indian boys take to this sport as naturally as our 
youngsters take to playing soldier, and frequently in my evening 
walks I have come upon a group of little fellows from eight to 
twelve years old, all stripped like professionals, running, yelling, 
and tumbling over each other in their scramble for the ball, while 
their ball sticks clattered together at a great rate — ^altogether as 
noisy and happy a crowd of children as can be found anywhere 
in the world. 

In addition to the athletic training, which begins two or three 
weeks before the regular game, each player is put under a strict 
gaktHntay or tabu, during the same period. He must not eat the 
flesh of a rabbit (of which the Indians generally are very fond) be- 
cause the rabbit is a timid animal, easily alarmed and liable to lose 
its wits when pursued by the hunter. Hence the ball player must 
abstain from it, lest he too should become disconcerted and lose 
courage in the game. He must also avoid the meat of the frog (an- 
other item on the Indian bill of fare) because the frog's bones are 
brittle and easily broken, and a player who should partake of the 
animal would expect to be crippled in the first inning. For a simi- 
lar reason he abstains from eating the young of any bird or animal, 
and from touching an infant. He must not eat the fish called the 
hog-sucker, because it is sluggish in its movements. He must not 
eat the herb called attlnka or Lamb's Quarter {Chenopodium alburn)^ 
which the Indians use for greens, because its stalk is easily broken. 
Hot food and salt are also forbidden, as in the medical gaktftnta. 
The tabu always lasts for seven days preceding the game, but in 
most cases is enforced for twenty-eight days — /. ^., 4x 7 — four and 
seven being sacred numbers. Above all, he must not touch a woman, 
and the player who should violate this regulation would expose him- 
self to the summary vengeance of his fellows. This last tabu con- 
tinues also for seven days after the game. As before stated, if a 



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April 1890.] THE CHESMJEE k^^SMY. Ill 



woman even so much as touches a ball stick on the eve of a game it 
is thereby rendered unfit for use. As the white man's law is now 
paramount, extreme measures are seldom resorted to, but in former 
days the punishment for an infraction of this regulation was severe, 
and in some tribes the penalty was death. Should a player's wife 
be with child, he is not allowed to take part in the game under any 
circumstances, as he is then believed to be heavy and sluggish in 
his movements, having lost just so much of his strength as has gone 
to the child. At frequent intervals during the training period the 
shaman takes the players to water and performs his mystic rites, as 
will be explained further on. They are also "scratched" on their 
naked bodies, as at the final game, but now the scratching is done 
in a haphazard fashion with a piece of bamboo brier having stout 
thorns which leave broad gashes on the backs of the victims. 

When a player fears a particular contestant on the other side, as is 
frequently the case, his own shaman performs a special incantation, 
intended to compass the defeat and even the disabling or death of 
his rival. As the contending sides always belong to different settle- 
ments, each party makes all these preliminary arrangements without 
the knowledge of the other, and under the guidance of its own 
shamans, several of whom are employed on a side in every hotly 
contested game. Thus the ball play becomes as well a contest be- 
tween rival shamans. Among primitive peoples the shaman is in 
truth all-powerful, and even so simple a matter as the ball game is 
not left to the free enjoyment of the people, but is so interwoven 
with priestly rites and influence that the shaman becomes the most 
important actor in the play. 

Before introducing the ball dance it is in place here to describe 
the principal implements of the game, the ball and ball stick. The 
ball now used is an ordinary leather-covered ball, but in former 
days it was made of deer hair and covered with deer skin. In Cali- 
fornia the ball is of wood. The ball sticks vary considerably among 
different tribes. As before stated, the Cherokee player uses a pair, 
catching the ball between them and throwing it in the same way. 
The stick is something less than three feet in length and in its gen- 
eral appearance closely resembles a tennis racket, or a long wooden 
spoon, the bowl of which is a loose network of thongs of twisted 
squirrel skin or strings of Indian hemp. The frame is made of a 
slender hickory stick, bent upon itself and so trimmed and fashioned 
that the handle seems to be one solid round piece, when in fact it 



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112 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



is double. The other southern tribes generally used sticks of the 
same pattern. Among the Sioux and Ojibwa of the north the player 
uses a single stick bent around at the end so as to form a hoop, in 
which a loose netting is fixed. The ball is caught up in this hoop 
and held there in running by waving the stick from side to side in 




INSTRUMENTS OF THE GAME. 

1 Iroquois. 3 Ojibwa. 5 Drum. 

2 Passamaquoddy. 4 Cherokee. 6 RaUle. 

a peculiarly dextrous manner. In the St. Lawrence region and 
Canada, the home of La Crosse^ the stick is about four and a half 
feet long, and is bent over at the end like a shepherd's crook, with 



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April 1890.] 



THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAT. 



113 




15 



CHOCTAW BALL-PLAY DANCE IN 1 832— FROM CATUN. 



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114 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. . [Vol. III. 

the netting extending half way down its length. The Passama- 
quoddy Indians of Maine use a stick with a strong, closely woven 
netting, which enables the stick to be used for batting. The sticks 
are ornamented with designs cut or burnt into the wood, arid are 
sometimes further adorned with paint and feathers. 

On the night preceding the game each party holds the ball-play 
dance in its own settlement. On the reservation the dance is always 
held on Friday night, so that the game may take place on Saturday 
afternoon, in order to give the players .and spectators an opportu- 
nity to sleep off the effects on Sunday. It may be remarked here 
in parenthesis that the Cherokee word for Sunday signifies '* when 
everybody does nothing all day long,** showing that they fully ap- 
preciate its superior advantages as a day of rest. The dance must 
be held close to the river, to enable the players to *'go to water ** 
during the night, but the exact spot selected is always a matter of 
uncertainty, up to the last moment, excepting with a chosen few. 
If this were not the case a spy from the other settlement might en- 
deavor to insure the defeat of the party by strewing along their trail 
a soup made of the hamstrings of rabbits, which would have the 
effect of rendering the players timorous and easily confused. 

The dance begins soon after dark on the night preceding the 
game and lasts until daybreak, and from the time they eat supper 
before the dance until after the game, on the following afternoon, no 
food passes the lips of the players. On the occasion in question the 
young men of Yellow Hill were to contend against those of Raven 
Town, about ten miles further up the river, and as the latter place 
was a large settlement, noted for its adherence to the old traditions, 
a spirited game was expected. My headquarters were at Vellow 
Hill, and as the principal shaman of that party was my chief inform- 
ant and lived in the same house with me, he kept me well posted in 
regard to all the preparations. Through his influence I was enabled 
to get a number of good photographic views pertaining to the game, 
as well as to observe all the shamanistic ceremonies, which he him- 
self explained,* together with the secret prayers recited during their 
performance. On a former occasion I attempted to take views of 
the game, but was prevented by the shamans, on the ground that 
such a proceeding would destroy the efficacy of their incantations. 

Each party holds a dance in its own settlement, the game itself 
taking place about midway between. The Yellow Hill men were 
to have their dance up the river, about half a mile from my house. 



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April 1890.] • THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 115 

We started about 9 o'clock in the evening — for there was no need to 
hurry — ^and before long began to meet groups of dark figures by twos 
and threes going in the same direction or sitting by the roadside 
awaiting some lagging companions. It was too dark to distinguish 
faces, but familiar voices revealed the identity of the speakers, and 
among them were a number who had come from distances of six or 
eight miles. As we drew nearer, the measured beat of the Indian 
drum fell upon the ear, and soon we saw the figures of the dancers 
outlined against the firelight, while the soft voices of the women as 
they sang the chorus of the ball songs mingled their plaintive 
cadences with the shouts of the men. 

The spot selected for the dance was a narrow strip of gravelly 
bottom, where the mountain came close down to the water's edge. 
The tract was only a few acres in extent and was covered with large 
trees, their tops bound together by a network of wild grape-vines 
which hung down on all sides in graceful festoons. From the road 
the ground sloped abruptly down to this bottom, while almost over- 
head the mountain was dimly outlined through the night fog, and 
close at hand one of the rapids, so frequent in these mountain streams, 
disturbed the stillness of the night with its never-ceasing roar. 

Several fires were burning and in the fitful blaze the trees sent out 
long shadows to melt into the surrounding darkness, while just within 
the circle of light, leaning against the trees or stretched out upon the 
ground, were the Indians, the women with their motionless figures 
muffled up in white sheets seeming like ghosts returned to earth, 
and the babies, whose mothers were in the dance, laid away under 
the bushes to sleep, with only a shawl between them and the cold 
ground. Around the larger fire were the dancers, the men stripped 
as for the game, with their ball-sticks in their hands and the firelight 
playing upon their naked bodies. It was a weird, wild picture, 
not easily effaced from the memory. 

The ball-play dance is participated in by both sexes, but differs 
considerably from any other of the dances of the tribe, being a dual 
affair throughout. The dancers are the players of the morrow, 
with seven women, representing the seven Cherokee clans. The 
men dance in a circle around the fire, chanting responses to the 
sound of a rattle carried by another performer, who circles around 
on the outside, while the women stand in line a few feet away 
and dance to and fro, now advancing a few steps toward the 
men, then wheeling and dancing away from them, but all the while 



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116 THE AMEBIC AN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

keeping time to the sound of the drum and chanting the refrain to 
the ball songs sung by the drummer, who is seated on the ground on 
the side farthest from the fire. The rattle is a gourd fitted with a 
handle and filled with small pebbles, while the drum resembles a 
small keg with a head of ground-hog leather. The drum is partly 
filled with water, the head being also moistened to improve the tone, 
and is beaten with a single stick. Men and women dance separately 
throughout, the music, the evolutions, and the songs being entirely 
distinct, but all combining to produce an harmonious whole. The 
women are relieved at intervals by others who take their places, 
but the men dance in the same narrow circle the whole night 
long, excepting during the frequent halts for the purpose of going 
to water. 

At one side of the fire are set up two forked poles, supporting a 
third laid horizontally, upon which the ball sticks are crossed in 
pairs until the dance begins. As already mentioned, small pieces 
from the wing of the bat are sometimes tied to these poles, and also 
to the rattle used in the dance, to insure success in the contest. The 
skins of several bats and swift-darting insectivorous birds were for- 
merly wrapped up in a piece of deerskin, together with the cloth and 
beads used in the conjuring ceremonies later on, and hung from the 
frame during the dance. On finally dressing for the game at the 
ball ground the players took the feathers from these skins to fasten 
in their hair or upon their ball sticks to insure swiftness and accuracy 
in their movements. Sometimes also hairs from the whiskers of 
the bat are twisted into the netting of the ball sticks. The players 
are all stripped and painted, with feathers in their hair, just as they 
appear in the game. When all is ready an attendant takes down 
the ball sticks from the frame, throwing them over his arm in the 
same fashion, and, walking around the circle, gives to each man his 
own. Then the rattler, taking his instrument in his hand, begins 
to trot around on the outside of the circle, uttering a sharp Ht / to 
which the players respond with a quick Jfi-hY/ while slowly mov- 
ing around the circle with their ball sticks held tightly in front of 
their breasts. Then, with a quicker movement, the song changes to 
Eht// and the response to HaJuH—Eh^! Hdkj^! Eht// Hdkil 
Then, with a prolonged shake of the rattle, it changes again to 
Ahiy^f the dancers responding with the same word Ahiy// but in 
a higher key; the movements become more lively and the chorus 
louder, till at a given signal with the rattle the players clap their 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 117 

ball Sticks together, and facing around, go through the motions of 
picking up and tossing an imaginary ball. Finally with a grand 
rush they dance up close to the women, and the first part of the 
performance ends with a loud prolonged Hu-u! from the whole 
crowd. 

In the meantime the women have taken position in a line a few 
feet away, with their backs turned to the men, while in front of 
them the drummer is seated on the ground, but with his back turned 
toward them and the rest of the dancers. After a few preliminary 
taps on the drum he begins a slow, measured beat and strikes up one 
of the dance refrains, which the women take up in chorus. This is 
repeated a number of times until all are in harmony with the tune, 
when he begins to improvise, choosing words which will harmonize 
with the measure of the chorus and at the same time be appropriate 
to the subject of the dance. As this requires a ready wit in addition 
to ability as a singer, the selection of a drummer is a matter of con- 
siderable importance, and that functionary is held in corresponding 
estimation. He sings of the game on the morrow, of the fine things 
to be won by the men of his party, of the joy with which they will 
be received by their friends on their return from the field, and of 
the disappointment and defeat of their rivals. Throughout it all 
the women keep up the same minor refrain, like an instrumental ac- 
companiment to vocal music. As Cherokee songs are always in the 
minor key, they have a plaintive effect, even when the sentiment is 
cheerful or even boisterous, and are calculated to excite the mirth of 
one who understands the language. This impression is heightened 
by the appearance of the dancers themselves, for the women shuffle 
solemnly back and forth all night long without ever a smile upon 
their faces, while the occasional laughter of the men seems half sub- 
dued, with none of the hearty ringing tones of the white man or the 
negro. The monotonous repetition, too, is something intolerable 
to any one but an Indian, the same words, to the same tune, being 
sometimes sung over and over again for a half hour or more. Al- 
though the singer improvises as he proceeds, many of the expressions 
have now become stereotyped and are used at almost every ball-play 
dance. The song here given is a good type of the class. 

Through the kind assistance of Prof. John P. Sousa, director of 
the Marine band, I am enabled to give also the musical notation. 

The words have no fixed order of arrangement and the song may 
be repeated indefinitely. Higanuyahi is the refrain sung by the 



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118 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



women and has no meaning. The vowels have the Latin sound 
and U is the French nasal un : 

FIRST SONG. 



p 



S3: 



3sg^=Jf= ?^^ ^ 



i 




Hi'ganu'ya, 
Hi'ganu'ya 

Sa'kwili-te'ga 

.\s'taliti'ski 

As'taliti'ski 

U'watu'hi 

Ti'kanane'hi 

Uwa'tutsGlii 

Uwa'tutsCl'hi 

I'geski'yu 

Ti'kanane'hi 



hi'ganu'yahi' 
hi'ganu'yahi' 

tsi'tftkata'sOni' ! 
tsi'tClkata'sGni' ! 
tsa'kwakilG'testi ! 
tsi'tftkata'sttni' ! 
a'kwakilG'tati' ! 
tsi'tfikata'sOni' ! 
tsa'kwakilCl'testi' ! 
tsa'kwakilfi'testi' ! 
tsi'tftkata'sOni' !— Hu-ii ! 



Which may be freely rendered : 

What a fine horse I shall win ! 

I shall win a pacer ! 

I shall be riding a pacer ! 

Fm going to win a pretty one ! 

A stallion for me to ride ! 

What a pretty one I shall win ! 

What a pretty one I shall ride ! 

How proud Fll feel when riding him ! 

I*m going to win*a stallion ! — Hu-u ! 



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April 1890.] 



THE CHEROKEE^ALL PLAY. 



119 



But sic transit gloria I — in these degenerate days the pacer is 
more likely to be represented by a cheap jack-knife. Another very 
pretty refrain is : 

SECOND SONG. 



SB 



^^^^ 



:J=t 



P 



^E 



=1^ 



3^ 



■i -i- -^^-J- 



Yo^wida^nuwe^ Yo^widanu^-da'nuwe^ 

At a certain stage of the dance a man, specially selected for the 
purpose, leaves the group of spectators around the fire and retires a 
short distance into the darkness in the direction of the rival settle- 
ment. Then, standing with his face still turned in the same direc- 
tion, he raises his hand to his mouth and utters four yells, the last 
prolonged into a peculiar quaver. He is answered by the players 
with a chorus of yells — or rather yelps, for the Indian yell resembles 
nothing else so much as the bark of a puppy. Then he comes 
running back until he passes the circle of dancers, when he halts and 
shouts out a single word, which may be translated, " They are 
already beaten! *' Another chorus of yells greets this announce- 
ment. This man is called the Talala^ or "woodpecker,** on ac- 
count of his peculiar yell, which is considered to resemble the sound 
made by a woodpecker tapping on a dead tree trunk. According 
to the orthodox Cherokee belief, this yell is heard by the rival players 
in tl^e other settlement — who, it will be remembered, are having 
a ball dance of their own at the same time — and so terrifies them 
that they lose all heart for the game. The fact that both sides alike 
have a Talala in no way interferes with the theory. 

At frequent intervals during the night all the players, accom- 
panied by the shaman and his assistant, leave the dance and go 
down to a retired spot at the river's bank, where they perform the 
mystic rite known as "going to water,** hereafter to be described. 
While the players are performing this ceremony the women, with 
the drummer, continue the dance and chorus. The dance is 
kept up without intermission, and almost without change, until day- 
break. At the final dance green pine tops are thrown upon the fire, 
so as to produce a thick smoke, which envelops the dancers. Some 



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120 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOaiST. [Vol. III. 

mystic properties are ascribed to this pine smoke, but what they are 
I have not yet learned, although the ceremony seems to be intended 
as an exorcism, the same thing being done at other dances when 
there has recently been a death in the settlement. 

At sunrise the players, dressed now in their ordinary clothes, but 
carrying their ball sticks in their hands, start for the ball ground, 
accompanied by the shamans and their assistants. The place 
selected for the game, being always about midway between the two 
rival settlements, was in this case several miles above the dance 
ground and on the opposite side of the river. On the march each 
party makes four several halts, when each player again **goes to 
water*' separately with the shaman. This occupies considerable 
time, so that it is usually after noon before the two parties meet on 
the ball ground. While the shaman is busy with his mysteries in 
the laurel bushes down by the water's edge, the other players, sitting 
by the side of the trail, spend the time twisting extra strings for 
their ball sticks, adjusting their feather ornaments and discussing 
the coming game. In former times the player during these halts 
was not allowed to sit upon a log, a stone, or anything but the 
ground itself; neither was it permissible to lean against anything 
excepting the back of another player, on penalty of defeat in the 
game, with the additional risk of being bitten by a rattlesnake. 
This rule is now disregarded, and it is doubtful if any but the older 
men are aware that it ever existed. 

On coming up from the water after the fourth halt the principal 
shaman assembles the players around him and delivers an animated 
harangue, exhorting them to do their utmost in the coming contest, 
telling them that they will undoubtedly be victorious as the omens 
are all favorable, picturing to their delighted vision the stakes to be 
won and the ovation awaiting them from their friends after the 
game, and finally assuring them in the mystic terms of the form- 
ulas that their adversaries will be driven through the four gaps into 
the gloomy shadows of the Darkening Land, where they will perish 
forever from remembrance. The address, delivered in rapid, jerky 
tones like the speech of an auctioneer, has a very inspiriting effect 
upon the hearers and is frequently interrupted by a burst of exultant 
yells from the players. At the end, with another chorus of yells, 
they again take up the march. 

On arriving in sight of the ball ground the Talala again comes 
to the front and announces their approach with four loud yells, 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 121 

ending with a long quaver, as on the previous night at the dance. 
The players respond with another yell, and then turn off to a con- 
venient sheltered place by the river to make the final preparations. 

The shaman then marks off a small space upon the ground to rep- 
resent the ball field, and, taking in his hand a small bundle of 
sharpened stakes about a foot in length, addresses each man in turn, 
telling him the position which he is to occupy in the field at the 
tossing up of the ball after the first inning, and driving down a 
stake to represent each player until he has a diagram of the whole 
field spread out upon the ground. 

The players then strip for the ordeal of scratching. This painful 
operation is performed by an assistant, in this case by an old man 
named Standing Water. The instrument of torture is called a kanuga 
and resembles a short comb with seven teeth, seven being also a 
sacred number with the Cherokees. The teeth are made of sharpened 
splinters from the leg bone of a turkey and are fixed in a frame made 
from the shaft of a turkey quill, in such a manner that by a slight 
pressure of the thumb they can be pushed out to the length of a 
small tack. Why the bone and feather of the turkey should be se- 
lected I have not yet learned, but there is undoubtedly an Indian 
reason for the choice. 

The players having stripped, the operator begins by seizing the 
arm of a player with one hand while holding the kanuga in the 
other, and plunges the teeth into the flesh at the shoulder, bringing 
the instrument down with a steady pressure to the elbow, leaving 
seven white lines which become red a moment later, as the blood 
starts to the surface. He now plunges the kanuga in again at an- 
other place near the shoulder, and again brings it down to the elbow. 
Again and again the operation is repeated until the victim's 
arm is scratched in twenty-eight lines above the elbow. It will be 
noticed that tvventy-eight is a combination of four and seven, the 
two sacred numbers of the Cherokees. The operator then makes 
the same number of scratches in the same manner on the arm below 
the elbow. Next the other arm is treated in the same way ; then 
each leg, both above and below the knee, and finally an X ^s 
scratched across the breast of the sufferer, the upper ends are joined 
by another stroke from shoulder to shoulder, and a similar pattern 
is scratched upon his back. By this time the blood is trickling in 
little streams from nearly three hundred gashes. None of the 
scratches are deep, but they are unquestionably very painful, as all 
16 



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122 ^E AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

agree who have undergone the operation. Nevertheless the young 
men endure the ordeal willingly and almost cheerfully, regarding it 
as a necessary part of the ritual to secure success in the game. In 
order to secure a picture of one young fellow under the operation I 
stood with my camera so near that I could distinctly hear the teeth 
tear through the flesh at every scratch with a rasping sound that sent 
a shudder through me, yet he never flinched, although several times 
he shivered with cold, as the chill autumn wind blew upon his naked 
body. This scratching is common in Cherokee medical practice, 
and is variously performed with a brier, a rattlesnake's tooth, a flint, 
or even a piece of broken glass. It was noted by Adair as early as 
1775. To cause the blood to flow more freely the young men some- 
times scrape it off* with chips as it oozes out. The shaman then 
gives to each player a small piece. of root, to which he has imparted 
magic properties by the recital of certain secret formulas. Various 
roots are used, according to the whim of the shaman, their virtue 
depending entirely upon the ceremony of consecration. The men 
chew these roots and spit out the juice over their limbs and bodies, 
rubbing it well into the scratches, then going down to the water 
plunge in and wash off* the blood, after which they come out and 
dress themselves for the game. 

The modern Cherokee ball costume consists simply of a pair of 
short trunks ornamented with various patterns in red or blue cloth, 
and a feather charm worn upon the head. Formerly the breech- 
cloth alone was worn, as is still the case in some instances, and the 
strings with which it was tied were purposely made weak, so that if 
seized by an opponent in the scuffle the strings would break, leav- 
ing the owner to escape, with the loss of his sole article of raiment. 
This calls to mind a similar custom among the ancient Greek ath- 
letes, the recollection of which has been preserved in the etymology 
of the word gymnast. The ornament worn in the hair is made up 
of an eagle's feathers, to give keenness of sight ; a deer tail, to give 
swiftness; and a snake's rattle, to render the wearer terrible to his 
adversaries. If an eagle's feathers cannot be procured, those of a 
hawk or any other swift bird of prey are used. In running, the 
snake rattle is made to furnish a very good imitation of the sound 
made by the rattlesnake when about to strike. The player also 
marks his body in various patterns with paint or charcoal. The 
charcoal is taken from the dance fire, and whenever possible is pro- 
cured by burning the wood of a tree which has been struck by 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 



123 




CHOCTAW BALL PLAYER IN 1 832— FROM CATLIN. 



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124 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

lightning, such wood being regarded as peculiarly sacred and en- 
dowed with mysterious properties. According to one formula, the 
player makes a cross over his heart and a spot upon each shoulder, 
using pulverized charcoal procured from the shaman and made by 
burning together the wood of a honey-locust tree and of a tree 
which has been struck by lightning, but not killed. The charcoal 
is pulverized and put, together with a red and a black bead, into an 
empty cocoon from whicn one end has been cut off. This paint 
preparation makes the player swift like the lightning and invulner- 
able as the tree that defies the thunderbolt, and renders his flesh as 
hard and firm to the touch as the wood of the honey-locust. Among 
the Choctaws, according to Catlin, a tail of horse hair was also 
worn, so as to stream out behind as the player ran. Just before 
dressing, the players rub their bodies with grease or the chewed bark 
of the slippery elm or the sassafras, until their skin is slippery as 
that of the proverbial eel. 

A number of precautionary measures are also frequently resorted 
to by the more prudent players while training in order to make 
assurance doubly sure. They bathe their limbs with a decoction of 
the Tephrosia Virginiana or Catgut in order to render their muscles 
tough like the roots of that plant. They bathe themselves with a 
decoction of the small rush (^Juncus tenuis) which grows by the 
roadside, because its stalks are always erect and will not lie flat upon 
the ground, however much they may be stamped and trodden upon. 
In the same way they bathe with a decoction of the wild crabapple 
or the ironwood, because the trunks of these trees, even when thrown 
down, are supported and kept up from the ground by their spread- 
ing tops. To make themselves more supple they whip themselves 
with the tough stalks of the Wa'takH or Stargrass or with switches 
made from the bark of a hickory sapling which has grown up from 
under a log that has fallen across it, the bark being taken from the 
bend thus produced in the sapling. After the first scratching the 
player renders himself an object of terror to his opponents by eating 
a portion of a rattlesnake which has been killed and cooked by the 
shaman. He rubs himself with an eel skin to make himself slippery 
like the eel, and rubs each limb down once with the fore and hind 
leg of a turtle because the legs of that animal are remarkably stout. 
He applies to the shaman to conjure a dangerous opponent, so that 
he may be unable to see the ball in its flight, or may dislocate a 
wrist or break a leg. Sometimes the shaman draws upon the ground 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 125 

an armless figure of his rival, with a hole where his heart should be. 
Into this hole he drops two black beads, covers them with earth 
and stamps upon them, and thus the dreaded rival is doomed, un- 
less (and this is always the saving clause) his own shaman has taken 
precautions against such a result, or the one in whose beltalf the 
charm is made has rendered the incantation unavailing by a viola- 
tion of some one of the interminable rules of the gaktunta. 

The players having dressed are now ready to **go to water" for 
the last time, for which purpose the shaman selects a bend of the 
river where he can look toward the east while facing up-stream. 
This ceremony of going to water is the most sacred and impressive 
in the whole Cherokee ritual, and must always be performed fasting, 
and in most cases also is preceded by an all-night vigil. It is used 
in connection with prayers to obtain a long life, to destroy an en- 
emy, to win the love of a woman, to secure success in the hunt and 
the ball play, and for recovery from a dangerous illness, but is per- 
formed only as a final resort or when the occasion is one of special 
importance. ' The general ceremonial and the principal formulas 
are nearly the same in all cases. I have collected a number of 
the formulas used on these various occasions, but it is impossible 
within the limits of this paper to give more than a general idea of 
their nature. 

The men stand side by side looking down upon the water, with 
their ball sticks clasped upon their breasts, while the shaman stands 
just behind them, and an assistant kneeling at his side spreads out upon 
the ground the cloth upon which are placed the sacred beads. These 
beads are of two colors, red and black, each kind resting upon a 
cloth of the same color, and corresponding in number to the number 
of players. The red beads represent the players for whom the sha- 
man performs the ceremony, while the black beads stand for their 
opponents, red being symbolic of power and triumph, while black 
is emblematic of death and misfortune. All being ready, the assist- 
ant hands to the shaman a red bead, which he takes between the 
thumb and finger of his right hand ; and then a black bead, which 
he takes in the same manner in his left hand. Then, holding his 
hands outstretched, with his eyes intently fixed upon the beads, the 
shaman prays on behalf of his client to yHun Gtinahi'/a, the "Long 
Man," the sacred name for the river : 

**0 Long Man, I come to the edge of your body. You are 
mighty and most powerful. You bear up great logs and toss them 



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126 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

about where the foam is white. Nothing can resist you. Grant 
me such strength in the contest that my enemy may be of no weight 
in my hands — that I may be able to toss him into the air or dash 
him to the earth." In a similar strain he prays to the Red Bat in 
the Sun Land to make him expert in dodging ; to the Red Deer to 
make him fleet of foot ; to the great Red Hawk to render him keen 
of sight, and to the Red Rattlesnake to render him terrible to all 
who oppose him. 

Then in the same low tone and broken accents in which all the 
formulas are recited the shaman declares that his client (mention- 
ing his name and clan) has now ascended to the first heaven. As 
he continues praying he declares that he has now reached the second 
heaven (and here he slightly raises his hands) ; soon he ascends to 
the third heaven, and the hands of the shaman are raised still 
higher ; then in the same way he ascends to the fourth, the fifth, 
and the sixth heaven, and finally, as he raises his trembling hands 
aloft, he declares that the spirit of the man has now risen to the 
seventh heaven, where his feet are resting upon the Red Seats, 
from which they shall never be displaced. 

Turning now to his client the shaman, in a low voice, asks him 
the name of his most dreaded rival on the opposite side. The reply 
is given in a whisper, and the shaman, holding his hands outstretched 
as before, calls down the most withering curses upon the head of the 
doomed victim, mentioning him likewise by name and clan. He 
prays to the Black Fog to cover him so that he may be unable to 
see his way ; to the Black Rattlesnake to envelop him in its slimy 
folds ; and at last to the Black Spider to let down his black thread 
from above, wrap it about the soul of the victim and drag it from 
his body along the black trail to the Darkening Land in the west, 
there to bury it in the black coffin under the black clay, never to 
reappear. At the final imprecation he stoops and, making a hole in 
the soft earth with his finger (symbolic of stabbing the doomed 
man to the heart), drops the blackhead into it and covers it from 
sight with a vicious stamp of his foot ; then with a simultaneous 
movement each man dips his ball sticks into the water, and bring- 
ing them up, touches them to his lips; then stooping again he 
dips up the water in his hand and laves his head and breast. 

Below is given a translation of one of these formulas, from the 
collection of original Cherokee manuscripts obtained by the 
writer. The formulistic name for the player signifies "admirer 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 127 

or lover of the ball play.'* The shaman directs his attention alter- 
nately to his clients and their opponents, looking by turns at the red 
or the black bead as he prays. He raises his friends to the seventh 
heaven and invokes in their behalf the aid of the bat and a number 
of birds, which, according to the Cherokee belief, are so keen of 
sight and so swift upon the wing as never to fail to seize their in- 
tended prey. The opposing players, on the other hand, are put 
under the earth and rendered like the terrapin, the turtle, the 
mole, and the bear — all slow and clumsy of movement. Blue is 
the color symbolic of defeat, red is typical of success, and white 
signifies joy and happiness. The exultant whoop or shout of the 
players is believed to bear them on to victory, as trees are carried 
along by the resistless force of a torrent : 

"THIS IS TO TAKE THEM TO WATER FOR THE BALL PLAY.** 

** SgS ! Now, where the white thread has been let down, quickly 
we are about to inquire into the fate of the lovers of the ball play. 

They are of such a descent. They are called so and so, (As 
they march) they are shaking the road which shall never be joyful. 
The miserable terrapin has fastened himself upon them as they go 
about. They are doomed to failure. They have become entirely 
blue. 

But now my lovers of the ball play have their roads lying down 
in this direction. The Red Bat has come and become one with them. 
There, in the first heaven, are the pleasing stakes. There, in the 
second heaven, are the pleasing stakes. The Peewee has come and 
joined them. Their ball sticks shall be borne along by the immor- 
tal whoop, never to fail them in the contest. 

But as for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common 
turtle has fastened himself to them as they go about. There, under 
the earth, they are doomed to failure. 

There, in the third heaven, are the pleasing stakes. The Red 
Tla'niwd has come and made himself one of them, never to be de- 
feated. There, in the fourth heaven, are the pleasing stakes. The 
Crested Flycatcher has come and joined them, that they may never 
be defeated. There, in the fifth heaven, are the pleasing stakes. The 
Martin has come and joined them, that they may never be defeated. 

The other lovers of the ball play — the Blue Mole has become one 
with them, that they may never feel triumphant. They are doomed 
to failure. 



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128 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

There, in the sixth heaven, the Chimney Swift has become one 
with them, that they may never be defeated. There are the pleasing 
stakes. There, in the seventh heaven, the Dragonfly has become one 
of them, that they may never be defeated. There are the pleasing 
stakes. 

As for the other lovers of the ball play, the Bear has come and 
fastened himself to them, that they may never be triumphant. He 
has caused the stakes to slip out of their hands and their share has 
dwindled to nothing. Their fate is forecast. 

Sg6 ! Now let me know that the twelve (runs) are mine, O White 
Dragonfly. Let me know that their share is mine — that the stakes 
are mine. Now he [the rival player] is compelled to let go his hold 
upon the stakes. They [the shaman's clients] are become exultant 
and gratified. Yft ! " 

This ceremony ended, the players form in line, headed by the 
shaman, and march in single file to the ball ground, where they find 
awaiting them a crowd of spectators — men, women and children — 
sometimes to the number of several hundred, for the Indians always 
turn out to the ball play, no matter how great the distance, from 
old Big Witch, stooping under the weight of nearly a hundred years, 
down to babies slung at their mothers* backs. The ball ground is a 
level field by the river side, surrounded by the high timber-covered 
mountains. At either end are the goals, each consisting of a 
pair of upright poles, between which the ball must be driven to make 
a run, the side which first makes twelve home runs being declared 
the winner of the game and the stakes. The ball is furnished by 
the challengers, who sometimes try to select one so small that it will 
fall through the netting of the ball sticks of their adversaries ; but as 
the others are on the lookout for this, the trick usually fails of its 
purpose. After the ball is once set in motion it must be picked up 
only with the ball sticks, although after having picked up the ball 
with the sticks the player frequently takes it in his hand and, throw- 
ing away the sticks, runs with it until intercepted by one of the other 
party, when he throws it, if he can, to one of his friends further 
on. Should a player pick up the ball with his hand, as sometimes 
happens in the scramble, there at once arises all over the field a 
chorus of Uwd^yi Guti / Uwdlyi Guft! " With the hand ! With the 
hand!'* — equivalent to our own "Foul! Foul!** and that inning 
is declared a draw. 



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April 1890.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 129 

While our men are awaiting the arrival of the other party their friends 
crowd around them, and the women throw across their outstretched 
ball sticks the pieces of calico, the small squares of sheeting used as 
shawls, and the bright red handkerchiefs so dear to the heart of the 
Cherokee, which they intend to stake upon the game. It may be 
as well to state that these handkerchiefs take the place of hats, 
bonnets, and scarfs, the women throwing them over their heads in 
shawl fashion and the men twisting them like turbans about their 
hair, while both sexes alike fasten them about their throats or use 
them as bags for carrying small packages. Knives, trinkets, and 
sometimes small coins are also wagered. But these Cherokee 
to-day are poor indeed. Hardly a man among them owns a horse, 
and never again will a chief bet a thousand dollars upon his favorites, 
as was done in Georgia in 1834. To-day, however, as then, they 
will risk all they have. 

Now a series of yells announces the near approach of the men from 
Raven Town, and in a few minutes they come filing out from Jthe 
bushes — stripped, scratched, and decorated like the others, carrying 
their ball sticks in their hands and headed by a shaman. The two 
parties come together in the center of the ground, and for a 
short time the scene resembles an auction, as men and women move 
about, holding up the articles they propose to wager on the game and 
bidding for stakes to be matched against them. The betting being 
ended, the opposing players draw up in two lines facing each other, 
each man with his ball sticks laid together upon the ground in front 
of him, with the heads pointing toward the man facing him. This 
is fir the purpose of matching the players so as to get the same 
number on each side ; and should it be found that a player has no 
antagonist to face him, he must drop out of the game. Such a re- 
sult frequently happens, as both parties strive to keep their arrange- 
ments secret up to the last moment. There is no fixed number on 
a side, the common quota being from nine to twelve. Catlin, 
indeed, speaking of the Choctaws, says that '* it is no uncommon 
occurrence for six or eight hundred or a thousand of these young 
men to engage in a game of ball, with five or six times that number 
of spectators;'* but this was just after the removal, while the entire 
nation was yet camped upon the prairie in the Indian Territory. 
It would have been utterly impossible for the shamans to prepare a 
thousand players, or even one- fourth of that number, in the regular 
way, and in Catlin's spirited description of the game the ceremonial 
17 



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130 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

part is chiefly conspicuous by its absence. The greatest number 
that I ever heard of among the old Cherokee was twenty-two on a 
side. There is another secret formula to be recited by the initiated 
at this juncture, and addressed to the " Red Yahulu** or hickory, 
for the purpose of destroying the efficiency of his enemy's ball sticks. 

During the whole time that the game is in progress the shaman, 
concealed in the bushes by the water side, is busy with his prayers 
and. incantations for the success of his clients and the defeat of 
their rivals. Through his assistant, who acts as messenger, he is 
kept advised of the movements of the players by seven men, known as 
counselors, appointed to watch the game for that purpose. These 
seven counselors also have a general oversight of the conjuring and 
other proceedings at the ball-play dance. Every little incident is 
regarded as an omen, and the shaman governs himself accordingly. 

An old man now advances with the ball, and standing at one end 
of the lines, delivers a final address to the players, telling them that 
Une'^ian&'hi, **the Apportioner *' — the sun — is looking down upon 
them, urging them to acquit themselve in the game as their fathers 
have done before them ; but above all to keep their tempers, so that 
none may have it to say that they got angry or quarreled, and that 
after it is over each one may return in peace along the white trail 
to rest in his white house. White in these formulas is symbolic of 
peace and happiness and all good things. He concludes with a loud 
^^ Hal Taldu'gwu'V **Now for the twelve!'* and throws the 
ball into the air. 

Instantly twenty pairs of ball sticks clatter together in the air, as 
their owners spring to catch the ball in its descent. In the scram- 
ble it usually happens that the ball falls to the ground, when it is 
picked up by one more active than the rest. Frequently, however, 
a man will succeed in catching it between his ball sticks as it falls, 
and, disengaging himself from the rest, starts to run with it to the 
goal ; but before he has gone a dozen yards they are upon him, and 
the whole crowd goes down together, rolling and tumbling over 
each other in the dust, straining and tugging for possession of the 
ball, until one of the players manages to extricate himself from 
the struggling heap and starts off with the ball. At once the others 
spring to their feet and, throwing away their ball sticks, rush to in- 
tercept him or to prevent his capture, their black hair streaming out 
behind and their naked bodies glistening in the sun as they run. 
The scene is constantly changing. Now the players are all together 



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April 1899.] THE CHEROKEE BALL PLAY. 131 

at the lower end of the field, when suddenly, with a powerful throw, 
a player sends the ball high over the heads of the spectators and into 
the bushes beyond. Before there is time to realize it, here they 
come with a grand sweep and a burst of short, sharp Cherokee ex- 
clamations, charging right into the crowd, knocking men and women 
to right and left and stumbling over dogs and babies in their frantic 
efforts to get at the ball. 

It is a very exciting game as well as a very rough one, and in its 
general features is a combination of base ball, football, and the old- 
fashioned shinny. Almost everything short of murder is allowable 
in the game, and both parties sometimes go into the contest with the 
deliberate purpose of crippling or otherwise disabling the best players 
on the opposing side. ' Serious accidents are common. In the last 
game which I witnessed one man was seized around the waist by a 
powerfully built adversary, raised up in the air and hurled down 
upon the ground with such force as to break his collar-bone. His 
friends pulled him out to one side and the game went on. Some- 
times two men lie struggling on the ground, clutching at each other's 
throats, long after the ball has been carried to the other end of the 
field, until the ''drivers,** armed with long, stout switches, come 
running up and belabor both over their bare shoulders until they 
are forced to break their hold. It is also the duty of these drivers 
to gather the ball sticks thrown away in the excitement and re- 
store them to their owners at the beginning of the next inning. 

When the ball has been carried through the goal, the players come 
back to the center and take position in accordance with the previ- 
ous instructions of their shamans. The two captains stand facing 
each other and the ball is then thrown up by the captain of the side 
which won the last inning. Then the struggle begins again, and so 
the game goes on until one party scores twelve runs and is declared 
the victor and the winner of the stakes. 

As soon as the game is over, usually about sundown, the winning 
players immediately go to water again with their shamans and per- 
form another ceremony for the purpose of turning aside the revenge- 
ful incantations of their defeated rivals. They then dress, and the 
crowd of hungry players, who have eaten nothing since they started 
for the dance the night before, make a combined attack on the pro- 
visions which the women now produce from their shawls and baskets. 
It should be mentioned that, to assuage thirst during the game, the 
players are allowed to drink a sour preparation made from green 
grapes and wild crabapples. 



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132 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Although the contestants on both sides are picked men and strive 
to win, straining every muscle to the utmost, the impression left 
upon my mind after witnessing a number of games is that the same 
number of athletic young white men would have infused more robust 
energy into the play — that is, provided they could stand upon their 
feet after all the preliminary fasting, bleeding, and loss of sleep. 
Before separating, the defeated party usually challenges the victors 
to a second contest, and in a few days preparations are actively 
under way for another game. 



The Powhatan Indians. — As a preliminary step toward an in- 
vestigation of the ethnology of the tribes formerly inhabiting the 
coast region of Virginia and Maryland, the writer last spring sent 
out a number of circular letters of inquiry, calling for information 
in regard to the number and condition of any persons of pure or 
mixed Indian blood still remaining within the region designated. 
The result shows that there is not now a native full-blood Indian, 
speaking his own language, from Delaware Bay to Pamlico Sound. 
The only Indians still recognized as such, living within this area, 
are two small bands, remnants of the once powerful Powhatans, 
residing on small reservations in King William county, northeast 
of Richmond. They have long since lost their language and now 
have probably as much negro blood as Indian, but still pride them- 
selves upon their descent from the warriors of Powhatan, and have 
recently applied for a share in the school privileges afforded by the 
Government Indian school at Hampton. The larger band, on Pa- 
munkey river, numbers about 1 20 souls, known as Pamunkeys. The 
others live a few miles distant, on Mattapony river, and number about 
fifty under the name of Mattaponies. Both bands are governed by 
chiefs and councilors, with a board of white trustees chosen by the 
Indians. The following extract from a letter written by William 
Bradly, the chief of the Pamunkeys, gives an interesting statement 
of their present condition. Errors of spelling and grammar have 
been corrected: '*It is an Indian reservation in King William 
county, Virginia, by the name of Indian Town, with about 120 
souls. They subsist chiefly by hunting and fishing for a living. 
They do not vote or pay taxes. We have a chief, councilmen, and 
trustees, and make and enforce our own laws. I am chief of the 
tribe, W. A. Bradly. There is a small reservation on Mattapony 
river. J. M. Allmond is chief.*' James Mooney. 



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April 1890.] REMARKS ON OJIBWA BALL PLAY. 133 



REMARKS ON OJIBWA BALL PLAT. 

BY W. J. HOFFMAN, M. D. 

Thus far the greater number of Ojibwa Indians of northern 
Minnesota have been slow to adopt the pursuits of their more civil- 
ized neighbors, preferring to spend their time in fishing and hunting 
and in gathering fruits and berries. In consequence of this mode 
of life the young men generally possess great endurance and are in 
excellent physical condition. 

During the spring, summer, and autumn much of their time is 
spent in athletic sports, not so much for plescsure as for thetiesire to 
win the wagers of their opponents. The usual sports consist of 
horse racing, running, and ball play. To become a good ball 
player one must necessarily be possessed of speed and endurance. 

Some of the local Indian runners have adopted an ingenious con- 
trivance to aid in strengthening the muscles of the legs. While at 
their ordinary avocations, they wear about the ankles a thin bag of 
shot, sufficiently long to reach around the leg and admit of being 
tied over the instep. This is removed when occasion requires, and 




they claim that they feel very " light-footed." Two years ago one 
of the champion Ojibwa runners walked twenty-three miles after 
dinner, and next morning ran one hundred yards in ten and one- 
quarter seconds, easily beating his professional opponents. 

The total number of Indians living in the vicinity of White Earth 
agency, Minnesota, is about two thousand, and it is easy to muster 



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134 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

from eighty to one hundred ball players, who are divided into sides 
of equal number. If the condition of the ground permits, the two 
posts or goals are planted about one-third of a mile apart. Thus 
one stake only is used as a goal instead of two, as is the rule with 
the southern tribes. The best players of either side gather at the 
center of the ground. The poorer players arrange themselves around 
their respective goals, while the heaviest in weight scatter across 
the field between the starting point and the goals. 

The ball is tossed into the air in the center of the field. As soon 
as it descends it is caught with the ball stick by one of the players, 
when he immediately sets out at full speed towards the opposite 
goal. If too closely pursued, or if intercepted by an opponent, he 
throws the ball in the direction of one of his own side, who takes 
up the race. 

The uhuaX method of depriving a player of the ball is to strike 
the handle of the ball stick so as to dislodge the ball ; but this is 
frequently a difficult matter on account of a peculiar horizontal mo- 
tion of the ball stick maintained by the runner. Frequently the 




ball carrier is disabled by being struck across the arm or leg, thus 
compelling his retirement. Severe injuries occur only when play- 
ing for high stakes or when ill-feeling exists between some of the 
players. 

Should the ball carrier of one side reach the opposite goal, it is 
necessary for him to throw the ball so that it touches the post. This 
is always a difficult matter, because, even if the ball be well directed, 
one of the numerous players surrounding the post as guards may 
intercept it and throw it back into the field. In this manner a 
single inning may be continued for an hour or more. The game 
may come to a close at the end of any inning by mutual agreement 
of the players, that side winning the greater number of scores being 
declared the victor. 

The ball used in this game is made by wrapping thin strands of 



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April 1890.] REMARKS ON OJIBWA BALL PLAY. 135 

buckskin and covering the whole with a piece of the same. It is 
about the size of a base ball, though not so heavy. 

The stick is of the same pattern as that used at the beginning of 
the present century by the Missisaugas, the Ojibwa of the eagle 
totem of the Province of Ontario. (See cut, p. 134.) 

The game played by the Dakota Indians of the upper Missouri 
was probably learned from the Qjibwa, as these two tribes have been 
upon amicable terms for many years' the ball sticks are identical 
in construction and the game is played in the same manner. Some- 
times, however, the goals at either end of the ground consist of two 
heaps of blankets about twenty feet apart, between which the ball 
is passed. 

When the Dakota play a game the village is equally divided into 
sides. A player offers as a wager some article of clothing, a robe, 
or a blanket, when an opponent lays down an object of equal value. 
This parcel is laid aside and the next two deposit their stakes, and 
so on until all have concluded. The game then begins, two of the 
three innings deciding the issue. 

When the women play against the men, five of the women are 
matcned against one of the latter. A mixed game of this kind is 
very amusing. The fact that among the Dakota women are allowed 
to participate in the game is considered excellent evidence that the 
game is a borrowed one. Among most other tribes women are not 
even allowed to touch a ball stick. 

The players frequently hang to the belt the tail of a deer, ante- 
lope, or some other fleet animal, or the wings of swift-flying birds, 
with the idea that through these they are endowed with the swiftness 
of the animal. There are, however, no special preparations preced- 
ing a game, as feasting or fasting, dancing, etc. — additional evi- 
dence that the game is less regarded among this people. 

The Chactas, Chickasaws, and allied tribes of Indian Territory 
frequently perform acts of conjuring in the ball field to invoke the 
assistance of their tutelary daimons. The games of these Indians 
are much more brutal than those of the northern tribes. The game 
sticks are longer, and made of hickory, and blows are frequently 
directed so as to disable a runner. 



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136 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Notes on the Names of the Heavenly Bodies and the Points 
OF THE Compass Among the Point Barrow Eskimo. — During our 
stay of nearly two years at the U. S. Signal Station, at Point Bar- 
row, we were able to obtain the names of a few of the more promi- 
nent stars and constellations. 

The sun is called su'kunyHy and the moon tu*tk&H, They have 
no name for the pole star, but call the tail of Ursa Major tu'ktoruin, 
which appears to mean ** the many reindeer/* A similar name for 
this constellation has been noted both in Greenland and among the 
Central Eskimos. 

Arcturus is called sibwudli, and this star is the timepiece of the 
seal-netters during the great night- fishing in December and January. 
The position of this bright red star as it circles round the pole, 
enables them to judge how the night is passing. Altair is called 
dgru; Vega, agrulubwUk; the constellation Cassiopea, ibrosi, and 
Orion's belt, ti/atsan. The Eskimo who gave me the above names — 
he called me out one bright starlight night, saying, "Now, I will 
tell you all the stars ** — called the V\t\dJ^e5 patu'kiurin, but Dr. Simp- 
son, of the Plover, applies this name to the Hyades and Aldebaran. 
This is probably right, for the word evidently means '*the sharing 
out or dividing,*' as he says, and Aldebaran and the group of the 
Hyades would very well represent the dead bear with the hunters 
around preparing to cut him up, as he describes. 

We obtained the points of the compass with more exactness than 
Dr. Simpson did. They are : unani, in the north ; uMlytlHndmi, 
in the northeast ; kdbani^ in the east ; kawaniku' na, in the south- 
east ; pdniy in the south ; awamku^na, in the southwest ; dwaniy in 
the west ; wdlunndmi^ in the northwest. The four cardinal points, 
however, unani, kdbani, pdni, and dwani, are the ones most com- 
monly used, and are not employed with great exactness. Fdni, in 
the south, is always used for places inland, often with special refer- 
ence to the hunting grounds at the rivers. A man starting for the 
rivers always says ^^pauHanid'ktuHa,^^ **I am going southwards,^* 

They have definite names also for the directions of the wind. 
When the wind blows from any point between north and east it is 
called ikuHna, when from any point between east and south, nigya, 
A south wind is kiiuu'Hna ; one from the southwest, which brings 
high water on the beach, is uHala ; while kunu'flna is the name of 
the northwest wind. 

John Murdoch. 



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April 1890.] ON THE EVOLUTION OP ORNAMENT. 137 



ON THB EVOLUTION OF ORNAMBNT^AN AMERICAN 

LESSON. 

BY W. H. HOLMES. 

Much has been written upon that ever fascinating topic — the 
evolution of ornament. All find within this .theme the touch of 
nature that makes the whole world kin. The artistic sense is in 
some degree developed in the minds of all men, and through its 
intuitive and constant exercise art has become a rival of nature in 
the realm of the beautiful — a realm not more fascinating to the 
devotee of pure aesthetic pleasure than to the earnest but prosaic 
student of the evolution of culture. 

America's lesson concerning this subject has never yet been given 
that full and careful consideration its importance demands, although 
that lesson is inscribed in lucid language upon every page of the 
native record. Of virile and spontaneous growth the art of embel- 
lishment in America furnishes many evidences of the correct eye, 
the facile hand, and the true aesthetic instinct of the native races. 

It is impossible to trace back the idea of embellishment to its in- 
ception, for the presumption is that it came up from the shadows of 
the pre-human stage of our existence. It was probably first exer- 
cised upon man's own person, but later extended to those objects 
with which, from generation to generation, he had most constantly 
and intimately to deal. In the early stages of culture its exercise is 
not wholly an intellectual, but rather what I prefer to call an in- 
stinctive act, and under favorable conditions it so remains far into 
the stage of culture known as civilization ; it does not cease to be 
measurably unerring in its action until intellect essays to perform 
the work of instinct — until men begin to think out results instead 
of feeling them out. The period that sees the full and free exercise 
of purely intellectual methods witnesses the end of ornament as a 
living growth. It is afterwards not a unit, a simple thing, a growth, 
but a composite thing, the parts of which can by no possibility 
come into full harmony with one another, for their relationship, 
one to the other and each to all, depends not upon spontaneous or 
instinctive impulses of the mind, but upon individual judgment, 
18 



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138 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

fallible and uncertain even in the most enlightened minds of this 
enlightened age. 

It is impossible to determine how far beyond the stage of aesthetic 
evolution, here referred to as instinctive, native American decora- 
tive art had advanced at the period of foreign invasion. A nation 
pursuing the normal course of progress, free from intrusion of ideas 
from distinct peoples or from higher planes of culture, long follows 
the lead of instinctive promptings and habitual methods in all decora- 
tive elaboration ; with such a nation the elements of ornament are 
not independent or abstract conceptions transferable at will from 
art to art ; they are essentially concrete, each art employing in its 
enhancement only those motives or elements that arise within the 
art, or that come to it from without for other reasops than those of 
mere embellishment. 

It is within the limits of this primitive or elementary period that 
we may best begin the study of the evolution of ornament, for here 
the phenomena are homogeneous and the processes simple. 

In this paper I desire to call attention to that portion of the 
aesthetic field which pertains to the surface embellishment of the 
handiwork of man, and more especially to certain set or conventional 
forms of decoration that, in advanced cultures, through obscure 
processes of abstraction and transfer, have been adopted into many 
branches of art and by many peoples. Such are the herring-bone, 
the cheveron, the guilloche, the meander, the fret, and the scroll. 

In America two arts are particularly concerned in the early stages 
of the evolution of these designs, namely, the textile and the fictile 
arts. By many writers architecture has been given an important 
and probably a false place in its relation to the evolution of such 
decorative motives, since many of our aborigines employ almost 
every form of typical decorative figure in the two first named arts at 
a culture period long anterior to that at which the native architecture 
received the first touches from aesthetic fingers. 

The elements of ornament utilized in these arts are, in genesis 
and in character, of two well-defined classes. Those of one class 
ari^e within these or cognate arts, and being of mechanical origin 
are wholly geometric. Those of the other class are derived from 
nature, and being delineative are primarily non-geometric, but the 
geometric elements, especially in the textile — the antecedent art so 
far as decoration is concerned — ^are first in the field and constitute 
the beginnings, the first steps of decoration. Delineative^ subjects 



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April 1890.] ON THE EVOLUTION OP ORNAMENT. 139 

primarily have an ideographic office and when finally introduced 
into art as pure decorations 1 serve to supplement, to modify, and to 
enlarge the realm of the geometric. 

When these elements are once taken up by the embellishing fac- 
ulty they are subjected to the action of two great forces, namely, 
the mechanical forces of the particular art to which they belong, or 
into which they are introduced, and the aesthetic forces of the human 
mind, and it is the combined effect of these forces acting within 
each art and upon each motive that finally produces the results which 
we here desire to consider. 

All mechanical elements yield readily to the action of these forces 
and to all the changing requirements and conditions of art. Imita- 
tive features yield somewhat less readily to the same agencies, but 
they are gradually forced into unreal shapes by technical restrictions 
and in the end assume a geometric character no less pronounced 
than the technically born elements. 

There arise here two questions : First, How do the technical ele- 
ments inherent in the art develop into certain definite and highly 
constituted forms? and, second. What part do delineative or nature- 
derived elements take in producing or shaping corresponding re- 
sults? 

The desires of the mind constitute the motive power, the force 
that induces all progress in art ; the appreciation of embellishment 
and the desire to elaborate it are the cause of all progress in purely 
decorative evolution. It appears, however, that there is in the 
mind no preconceived idea of what that elaboration should be ; the 
mind is a growing thing and pushes forward along the lines laid out 
by environment. Seeking in art aesthetic gratification, it follows 
the lead of technique along the channels opened by such of the 
useful arts as offer suggestions of embellishment. The results reached 
vary with the particular art and are important in direct proportion 
to the facilities furnished by it. In this respect the textile art pos- 
sesses vast advantage over all other arts, as it is first in the field, is 
of widest application, is full of suggestions of embellishment, and 
is inexorably fixed in its methods of expression. The mind in its 
primitive, mobile condition is as clay in the grasp of such forces. 

In considering the first question, how do the mechanical elements 
of ornament develop into highly constituted forms? a close analysis 
of the forces and suggestions inherent in the arts is necessary. It will 
be observed that order, uniformity and symmetry are among the first 



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140 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

lessons of the arts, and especially of the textile art. From the very 
beginning the workman finds it necessary to direct his attention to 
these considerations in the preparation of his materials as well as 
in the construction of his utensils. If parts employed are multiple 
they must be uniform, and to reach definite results, either in form 
or ornament, there must be constant counting of numbers and ad- 
justing of spaces. The most fundamental and constant elements 
embodied in the textile art and available for the expression of em- 
bellishment are the minute steps of the intersections or bindings 
which express themselves to the eye both by relief and color. These 
elements exist fortuitously and without design on the part of the 
artist. Now, the most necessary and constant combination of these 
elements is in continuous lines or in rows of more or less isolated 
figures ; the most necessary and constant arrangement of these com- 
binations is in lines following the web and the woof or their com- 
plementaries, the diagonals. If large areas are covered, certain 
separation or aggregation of the elements, relieved or colored, into 
larger units is demanded, as otherwise absolute sameness would re- 
sult, a condition abhorrent to the aesthetic sense. Such separation 
or aggregation is governed to a certain extent by the form of the 
utensil constructed, but it conforms in every case to the construction 
lines of the fabric, as any other arrangement would be unnatural 
and impossible of accomplishment. Textile decorative elements or 
units — vertical, horizontal and oblique lines, dots, and spaces — 
therefore, combine and must combine in continuous zones or rays. 

Other arts possess in a lesser degree the same classes of mechani- 
cal elements, and their technique leads by similar methods to cor- 
responding results. 

All agencies originating with man that may be supposed of im- 
portance in this connection, the muscles of the hand and eye and 
the cell structure of the brain, together with all possible precon- 
ceived ideas of the beautiful, are, in primitive stages of art, all 
but impotent in the presence of technique, and, so far as forms and 
methods of expression go, submit completely to its requirements. 
Ideas of the beautiful, in linear geometic forms, are actually based 
upon and originate in the consideration of technical forms ; hence 
the selection for their beauty of certain figures developed in art is 
but the choice between products that in their evolution gave taste 
its character and powers. 

From the foregoing we see that art furnishes various mechanically 



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April 1890.] ON THB EVOLUTION OF ORNAMENT. 141 

derived elements or devices which combine from necessity in certain 
definite ways ; that these devices and the suggestions they furnish are 
taken up and elaborated by the aesthetic sense. Through a considera- 
tion of all the known influences of mind and art we can determine 
the probable direction of this elaboration and the necessary charac- 
ter of the results, but it is impossible to show that any particular 
design of the highly constituted kind— the fret or the guilloche, for 
example — was derived through a certain identifiable series of pro- 
gressive steps ; for as in the evolution of natural forms— of species 
of animals and plants — the steps of progress are obliterated ; and, 
furthermore, when, we come to scrutinize the matter closely it is 
clear that any given design may have developed along more than 
one line and within the art of more than one race. The attempt 
to give more than a possible or probable genesis of a particular 
example of design must therefore be futile. Here, as in biotic 
evolution, we must be content to point out general tendencies and to 
discover general laws. 

ITie second question, What ,part do delineations of life forms 
play in the development of set decorative designs ? is . now to be 
considered. 

In a very early stage of culture most people manifest decided 
artistic tendencies, which are revealed in attempts to depict various 
devices, life forms and fancies, upon the skin or upon the surfaces 
of utensils, garments, or other objects. These figures are believed 
in cases to be of trivial nature, serving to amuse, but the weight of 
evidence tends to show that such work is generally serious and per- 
tains to events or superstitions. The figures employed may in cases 
be purely conventional, but life forms afford the most natural and 
satisfactory means of recording, conveying, and symbolizing ideas, 
and hence predominate largely. 

Figures haying associated ideas of a superstitious nature come to 
be employed in all arts suited to their reception, and especially in 
those branches of art, such as basketry and pottery, extensively 
employed in superstitious offices. 

Now, the fact has been noted and renoted that when natural 
forms are introduced into art certain modifications of form and 
character appear which are called conventions or conventionalisms. 
Such delineations vary from the most literal presentation of which 
the art and the artist are capable to forms so altered and abbreviated 
by the forces of convention that they are no longer readily recog- 



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142 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

nized as of graphic origin. These phenomena are well known, and 
when a large number of examples are considered they may be ar- 
ranged ia a series extending from the most realistic forms at one 
end of the line to the most mechanical form at the other, the latter 
presenting to the uninitiated eye a meaningless device. 

What is now needed is an analysis of the conditions and forces 
concerned in this remarkable morphology. Confining our observa- 
tions to the embellishing phases of art, we find that three principal 
factors are concerned : First, the aesthetic desire in the mind of 
man ; second, the technical forces and other mechanical agencies 
concerned in the practice or utilization of the art ; third, the asso- 
ciation of ideas. 

ist. It is the aesthetic idea that calls forth the effort and presses 
forward to further and further elaborations of embellishment. 

2d. It is clear that each art is endowed with its own special 
technique, and that figures acquired from nature must express them- 
selves in terms of the several techniques. If the construction is 
geometric the figures must take on a geometric character ; if plastic 
a plastic character, and if graphic a graphic character. Other re- 
lated mechanical agencies in a like manner take part in determining 
the character of the results. 

3d. Associated with each graphic motive, as I have already pointed 
out, there is an idea, as otherwise it would not in primitive stages 
have come into use at all. The expression of this idea may or may 
not be essential or desirable to the decorator, but as long as it 
remains essential 'or even desirable, the tendencies of the first and 
second forces towards conventionalism will be restricted or neutral- 
ized by this necessity of graphically expressing the idea. This 
tendency to resist conventionalism constitutes what may be called 
the conservative force in art. If the idea is strong all the tendencies 
of art to trim, restrict, or expand will be in vain. The idea domi- 
nates the technique. It is in this way that some national art char- 
acteristics originate. 

Nations practicing arts having pronounced tenchnical characters, 
such as weaving and architecture, and possessing at the same time 
few or feeble ideographic elements, will develop a highly geometric 
conventional decoration, while nations practicing arts with less pro- 
nounced techniques, such as modeling, sculpture, and painting, and 
who make ideography a prominent feature, will have a system of 
decoration characterized by imperfectly defined conventionalism. 



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April 1890.] ON THE EVOLUTION OP ORNAMENT. 



143 



Now, what result follows the united and simultaneous action of 
all these forces upon natural forms? It is plain that on the whole 
the conventionalizing agencies are the stronger ; that they are to a 
certain extent irresistible ; hence as the ideographic or conserva- 
tive feature becomes gradually weakened, as it usually does with 
time, they gain full dominance, and all forms then lend them- 
selves with the utmost freedom to the enhancement of beauty under 
the dominance of the mechanical agents and th^ demands of the 
aesthetic sense. 

A few examples will assist in making these statements clear. Let 
us take an illustration from the textile art of Peru — from a body of 
products belonging to one period and to a single community. 

It may be assumed that fabric-making had long been practiced 
and highly perfected by the Incas, and that geometric ornament 
had been very extensively employed when the weaver first essayed, 
prompted perhaps by aesthetic but more probably by superstitious 
motives, to introduce the delineation of a bird into his fabric. 
We will suppose that he attempted an ordinary graphic delineation, 
but that owing to the difficulties — the restrictions of the technique 
of the art — the best he could do is shown in Fig. i. 




FIg.l. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. Klg.4. Fig. 6. 

The bird in textile art transformed by technical forces. 

But this degree of elaboration could not be maintained under all 
conditions of the practice of the art, and lines were simplified, parts 
omitted, and forms accommodated to the technique and to the 
geometric outlines of the original technical ornaments until they 
could easily be introduced into or substituted for them. The bird 
delineations were, reduced to bird-like figures which could be car- 
ried serially along the zones to be decorated and with as much ease 
as could the purely geometric figures. Thus these bird figures 
merged into the elements or units of which current ornaments — 
meanders, frets, and scrolls — ^were made up, as shown in Figs. 4 and 5. 
It is plain also, whatever the life form introduced, that when the 
delineation became reduced to this wholly conventional condition it 
merged with equal ease into the frets and scrolls, becoming undis- 
tinguishable from its otherwise derived neighbors. There is no 



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144 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

doubt that in time this introduction of nature-derived elements led 
to new forms and combinations and to great elaboration in purely 
conventional design. It may be noted also that the idea associated 
with the graphic bird may still be retained by the derivative geo- 
metric unit, and possibly it (the idea) may even finally extend to 
the whole line of units — to the current ornament. 

In the plastic or the plasto-graphic arts conditions and processes 
are quite different from those of the geometric arts. Let us take 
one illustration of the introduction of a graphic design into vase- 
painting. Here the technical forces are neither so pronounced nor 
so rigid. With a free hand the decorator sketched in figures bor- 
rowed from mythological art and elaborated them according to his 
own idea of the demands of the subject and of the particular em- 
bellishment desired. But strangely enough we observe marked and 
peculiar conventionalisms some of which may be inherited or copied 
from the sister art basketry, but most of which are due to the in- 
herent tendencies of the art. Let us examine briefly the nature of 
these. First. What effect has the shape of the vessel and the space 
at command to do with the form and character of the design ? The 
spaces available for ornament are the neck, the shoulder, and the 
expanded portioil of the body of the vessel. These form three en- 
circling zones, separated by more or less abrupt changes in the profile 
of the vase. Now, any ordinary figure, as, for example, that of an 
alligator, introduced into one of these zones does not cover its whole 
extent, and a number of the figures must be introduced. This is 
readily done, but the narrowness of the zone tends decidedly to 
elongate each figure, and there is at the same time a marked, probably 
a habitual, tendency to unify the design by connecting the series of 
elongated figures in a linked or continuous line. It is not surpris- 
ing, therefore, that such results follow as are traced in Figs. 6, 7, 
and 8. 



/l;^,^:^^:.! \/:>>:yys::^\ \oy\/\4T^/i>y\riD 



Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8. 

Alligator motive modified to suit varying spaces. 

But again, if the spaces to be decorated are square or nearly so, 
as often happens, the result is very different, for the figure must be 
contracted and abbreviated in various ways to be included in the 
space, Fig. 9. 



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. April 1890.] ON THE EVOLUTION OF ORNAMENT. 145 



f 




Fig. 9. 
Alligator Bgure crowded into a sub -rectangular space. 

And again, if the spaces are round or oval, distinct classes of re- 
sults are reached, as is shown in Fig. 10. In such a case the figure, 
no matter what its nature, must be crowded or coiled up. 




Fig. lu. 
Reptilian figure modified by inclusion in a circle. 

, It will be observed that the free-hand method of presentation, 
even when there is no restriction as to space, results in conventions 
peculiar to itself. Instead of the sharply angular character seen in 
woven figures and to a considerable extent in engraved designs, 
rounded forms and flowing outlines appear ; in place of the typical 
angular meander, guilloche, and fret, appear corresponding forms in 
curves — that is, the waved line, the twined or plaited lines, and 
the scroll. 

In free-hand as well as in geometric introduction of life forms into 
ornament one of the most marked and constant tendencies is to- 
ward greater simplicity. This is due in part to the great difficulty 
of delineating the complex and subtile forms and partly to the 
necessity of extreme simplicity of elements that must accommodate 
themselves to eccentric spaces and to constant repetition in connect- 
ing series. Other cultures than those developed on American soil 
present kindred phenomena, though perhaps with less conciseness 
and clearness tell practically the same story of the natural history 
of conventional ornanient. 

A few of the salient points may now be briefly reviewed. It has 
been shown that in primitive stages of culture embellishment is 
19 



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146 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

practiced instinctively and in habitual ways and after habitual 
methods, and that it utilizes elements inherent in the art practiced, 
supplemented later by ideographic elements appropriate to that art. 
That as intelligence increases habitual or instinctive methods give 
way to more purely intellectual methods and ornament is abstractly 
treated ; elements are freely taken from their original and consistent 
associations and, under the supervision of what we call taste, utilized 
in all arts in which embellishment is a feature, and it appears that 
this use being guided by individual judgment is necessarily incongru- 
ous and imperfect. 

Owing to the peculiar conditions under which the American 
tribes existed, their ornamental art, although abnormally developed, 
had not passed so far beyond this primitive instinctive stage as to 
confuse the evidence relating to initial steps. 

In America are found all the important conventional designs 
which characterize the art of the old world, and the oriental scroll 
and the classic fret were more freely used by the simple barbarians 
of the lower Mississippi and of the great Colorado plateau than 
thdfiever were by the Greek or by the Assyrian. 

It has been shown that all geometric designs may have developed, 
and probably did develop, within the arts and from elements in- 
herent in these arts ; that this occurred through the aesthetic desire 
of the mind dominated by the mechanical forces of the arts, and 
that in this country the textile and the fictile arts are most deeply 
concerned in this evolution. 

. It is seen that as a(t progressed animate forms were gradually in- 
troduced into decoration, not because of their capacity to beautify, 
but on account of ideographic appropriateness ; that these life forms, 
when once within the realm of decoration, were acted upon by the 
mechanical forces of art and gradually reduced to purely geometric 
shapes ; that each one of these figures has in all probability a com- 
plex genesis, since almost identical forms may have been evolved by 
independent nations through any one or through many of the arts, 
or that any creature extensively portrayed in any art of any people 
may, through the mechanical conventions to which it was necessarily 
subjected, be transformed by imperceptible steps into any one or 
into all of the typical geometic designs ; and it may be added that, 
so far as ideography and symbolism are concerned, it appears from 
the above statement that ideas associated with any one of our conven- 
tional decorative forms may be as diverse as are the arts, the peoples y 
and the original elements concerned in its evolution. 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE A RCHITECTURB. 147 



CLIMATIC INFLUENCES IN PRIMITIVE ARCHI- 
TECTURE. 

BY BARR FERREE. 

Climatic changes, variations of temperature and rainfall, differ- 
ences of geologic structure and of animal and vegetable products, 
the nature of the soil, and the topography of a country — in short, all 
the factors that constitute environment — are the most important and 
universal elements in determining the form and construction of the 
dwelling. Sociological influences, such as mode of life, government, 
mental status, and the like, are of importance chiefly in the earlier 
stages of society, and their effects upon architecture gradually lessen 
with the progress of civilization. 

Climatic influences can be traced in our own buildings as well as in 
those of the most primitive races, in the structures of the nineteenth 
century as in those of prehistoric times. The builders of the great 
churches of Europe pitched the roofs at a high angle to permit the 
easy discharge of snow ; in the milder climate of Italy such a course 
was unnecessary, and a lower or flat roof is found. Large windows, 
to admit light and heat from the sun, are the rule in the north, while 
small ones, to keep out the glare, are characteristic of the south. The 
very mouldings are frequently cut so as to carry off" the water or to 
protect delicate carvings placed beneath them. 

The influence of climate and of environment extends to the art 
of painting. The characteristic features of the various schools of 
landscape painting are largely the reflection of the environment of 
the artist. The history of culture and of civilization abounds in 
illustrations of the influence of environment upon the arts and de- 
velopment of man. In the earliest historical periods the most 
advanced races dwelt in warm climates, or those in which natural 
phenomena were uniforna. The great nations of antiquity, the 
Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, all originated 
and thrived in semi-tropical districts. In America the most ad- 
vanced races, the Aztecs and Peruvians, were likewise inhabitants 
of hot countries. 

It is a remarkable fact that the centre of civilization has shifted 



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148 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

from near the equator towards the poles. To-day the most progress- 
ive races inhabit the temperate zone, while the stolid and stationary 
ones are in the frigid and torrid where there is little variation of 
temperature. It would almost seem that a diversified climate, one 
of sharp contrasts of hot and cold, of rain and snow, was essential to 
a progressive civilization, and at all events it is in such that the intel- 
lect attains its most vigorous growth. In Europe the Germans and 
English are in advance of the Italians and Spaniards, and in our own 
country the people of New England claim to be ahead of their fellow- 
citizens in the south. In whatever direction civilization is tending, 
it is at least safe to say that a uniform environment throughout the 
world would result in uniformity in thought, in art, in manufactures, 
and in construction, and to variation in environment more than to 
any one cause differences in these particulars are due. 

Among primitive peoples the influence of environment on con- 
struction is very marked, and to it differences can be traced which are 
not noticeable among advanced races. First of all may be considered 
the influence of wind. This was an important element in determin- 
ing the development of the rectangular dwelling, which arose in a 
desire to exclude it. In part of Tasmania, for example, the natives 
used windbreaks, but in the western portion of the island, where the 
weather was more severe, huts were built of wattle and daub. A 
common method of gaining shelter, illustrated by the Australians 
and the Coroads, is by placing the entrance to leeward ; very fre- 
quently no wall at all is built on this side, the ingenuity of the 
builders being confirmed to keeping the wind out on the others. The 
Bachapin houses have a number of devices for excluding the wind. 
They are surrounded by a fence of closely interwoven twigs and 
branches, with an opening that conforms to the shape of the body, 
being wider at the top than at the bottom. The house has two walls, 
an outer and an inner one ; the former is of sandy clay, manure, or 
grass, thrust in between poles that support widely projecting eaves. 
The inner wall is without windows and encircles the portion of the 
house used for sleeping and storing purposes. The roof is con- 
structed in a particularly thorough manner of poles bound with 
acacia bark, over which sticks are tied transversely, and covered 
with a thatch of long grass or straw, which in turn is held down 
by twigs inserted at both ends. Few structures exhibit so many 
special expedients to protect the inhabitants against the inclemency 
of the weather as this, but there is a very large class of dwellings, 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE ARCHITECTURE. 149 

especially in colder and more windy countries, that show attempts 
to exclude the air. A favorite device is a single small entrance, 
which was much used among the Indians of North America, and it 
need scarcely be pointed out that for this reason openings are closed 
with doors or shutters, or else a curtain, mats, skins, cloths, varying 
with the products of the country or the wealth and knowledge of 
the builders, is hung before them, and protection thus obtained not 
only against the severity of the elements but from prying eyes. 

In some tropical regions it is intensely hot by day and cold by 
night, a condition of affairs that would naturally lead to the build- 
ing of houses that could be opened in daytime and closed at night. 
An interesting example is furnished by the houses of Samoa, that 
have a low wall, the upper portion of which is closed at night 
by screens. A similar end is sought in the low circular huts of the 
Tartars of Central Asia. They are intolerably close by day, but at 
night, owing to the piercing winds, are as comfortable as they are 
necessary to the preservation of life. 

In direct contrast to this system of construction, which is designed 
to exclude the air, is the system arranged to give it free access. 
The latter is to be found in all hot countries. Sometimes the dwell- 
ing is open at one end ; at other times it is without any walls at all. 
The former may be found among the Tannese, the latter among the 
Adamese. The Tongans build in a similar manner, but with the 
roofs descending nearly to the ground. The shed, of course, is the 
form best adapted to permit the free circulation of air, and it ap- 
pears in a great variety of forms. The Conibos Indians of Peru 
supply an excellent illustration, building in the clearings under the 
direct rays of the sun huge open sheds capable of accommodating 
three families. In the Hawaii Islands a different custom prevails, 
sheds being used in summer, and in the cold season dwellings with 
low walls and high roofs. 

Rain also has an important influence upon construction. As has 
been noted, flat roofs obtain where there is little or no rain, pointed 
or inclined ones where there is an abundance of it. While this 
distinction is broad enough to be observed among all peoples, in 
all parts of the world, and in all degrees of civilization, there are a 
number of special expedients that have been devised by different 
peoples as the result of local conditions or their own knowledge. 
The Abipones, whose dwelling is so rude at to consist simply of a 
tent of two poles and a mat, dig a trench to carry off the rain. The 



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150 THE AMERICAN ANTUROPOLOGIST. [VqI. III. 

granaries, which almost invariably form part of an African village, 
are frequently furnished with projections that extend beyond the 
walls to carry off the rain. An interesting series of examples of the 
same regard for natural requirements is furnished by the stone 
edifices of more advanced peoples. In Syria and Egypt, where the 
rainfall is too light to be taken into account in construction, roofe 
are flat ; in Greece and Italy, where it is light but periodical, the 
roofs are pitched at a low angle ; still farther north, in central Eu- 
rope, where rain and snow are abundant, the roof is sharply pitched- 
The richly domed roofs of India may have originated through the 
same cause. A leading characteristic of Indian architecture is a 
succession of pilaster-like ornaments, surmounted with a dome or 
roof covering. In a rainy district the simplest way to protect an 
upright column or post is by a covering, and it is quite likely that 
such a primitive arrangement may have suggested to the Indian 
architect the idea of his many domed walls where each upright mem- 
ber appears to have a roof of its own. 

Differences in construction result from differences of temperature, 
as when the summers are short and hot and the winters very long 
and cold. Under these circumstances the usual method is to occupy 
a different dwelling each season. Summer houses are light in struct- 
ure while winter ones are built with a regard to warmth. The Chip- 
pewa, for example, in summer use a primitive structure formed by 
two poles meeting at the head, a ridge-pole, and a strip of- birch 
bark. In the winter they build circular lodges accommodating two 
families, covered with birch bark held down by sticks ; the entrances 
are closed with blankets. The Comanches have arbors of green 
boughs in summer and conical lodges of buffalo skins in winter. 
The Indians of Cooper's creek use windbreaks of branches or stalks 
of marsh-mallows in summer, and in winter rain and wind-proof 
lodges of sticks covered with grass or weeds with earth or sand 
thrown on the top and beaten down. In fact, the practice of build- 
ing two kinds of dwellings for the different seasons is very common 
among the American aborigines. A similar custom is found among 
other peoples. The Ostyaks build huts of birch bark for the sum- 
mer and for winter yurts of wood and earth, with floor sunk in the 
ground for greater warmth. These winter houses are occupied by 
several families, while the summer ones are used by one only. Other 
north Asian peoples, as the Kamtschatdales and Tschutski, have 
similar arrangements. The summer houses of the former are elevated 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE ARCHITECTURE. 151 

on posts, while the winter ones are partly sunk in the ground. The 
Innuit live in tents of skins during the summer ; as the weather be- 
comes colder they build combination houses of sheets of ice with a 
roof of skins, and when the winter has finally set in they resort to 
the typical house of blocks of snow and ice. The Todas, though 
living in a warm region, have duplicate and triplicate dwellings 
permitting a seasonal change of abode, a sort of primitive **town'* 
and ** country*' house arrangement. 

A change of dwelling is not, however, necessarily confined to 
districts having strongly marked seasons, but is sometimes due to 
change of occupation. The Brokpas of the Upper Indus build sep- 
arate houses in the fields in summer, while in winter they use com- 
munal dwellings. Thus each family is enabled to cultivate its own 
piece of land in the warm season, while the whole tribe huddle to- 
gether for greater warmth in the winter. The Zufii and other pueblo 
tribes of New Mexico adopt a similar method. The Dakotahs 
erect permanent communal dwellings of birch for the use of the agri- 
culturists in summer, and at other times live in temporary lodges 
of skins, thus reversing the process of the Brokpas. Temporary 
tents of poles covered with mats are used by the Chinooks during 
the fishing season, and permanent board dwellings at other times. 

The leading climatic features that have been considered produce 
what may be termed special variation in structure. These factors, 
wind, rain, snow, and change of season, do not produce uniform 
effects, some tribes building more with reference to one than to an- 
other. They may, therefore, for the sake of convenience, with the 
additional element of earthquakes — which cause readily recognized 
features wherever they occur — be classed together under the general 
term of secondary climatic agencies. 

But there is a much more important element due to climate, and 
that is the material employed. Difference in material is traceable to 
the influence of climate and geological formation, and to this cause 
chiefly is to be attributed the many variations in structure to be 
found in all parts of the habitable globe. 

The want of an abundant and readily procured building material 
is productive of all manner of expedients. In a treeless country 
the first resort is to skins. Numerous illustrations of this were to 
be found among the North American Indians before their habits 
were changed by civilization. The Comanches, the Dakotahs, the 
Chippewayans, and the Snakes are but a few of those who used 



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152 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

skins for the want of a better material, although it is to be remarked 
that for the dwellings of nomadic tribes skins are the most servicea- 
ble material. The Patagonians and the Arabs used skin tents be- 
cause timber was scarce. The Mandans were extremely sparing in 
the use of logs in their houses, for in the region in which they dwelt 
trees grew only in patches, and being confined to the bottom lands 
between the banks of the rivers were difficult to transport. 

From the use of skins the next step was to the use of clay. The 
rudest method is simply to spread it over a wood frame-work, as was 
done in the case of the Mandan huts. This, however, implies only 
a slight advance in technical skill. A higher stage is exhibited in 
the houses of the Ashantee. These are formed of a slight frame- 
work of wood, thickly coated with clay, and smoothed off to resem- 
ble columns and paneled walls, a system not very unlike that of 
the Chaldaeans and Assyrians. These structures form a sort of 
stepping stone to the use of brick, which is at once the highest and 
most developed method of employing clay as a building material, 
though moulded terra cotta may be considered to be a still further 
specialized form of it. The Afghan huts furnish an interesting 
series. Some, as at Khandahar, are entirely of mud bricks, no 
wood at all being used, not even in the roof. Others, as in the 
Pischin valley, have roofs partially constructed of wood, which is 
carefully carried in each migration. The settled Arabs of Asia 
usually build with sun-dried bricks. In the case of more advanced 
peoples there may be noted the use of brick in Assyria and of stone 
in Egypt, the material in each instance being the most readily ob- 
tainable. It would have been quite impossible for Assyria to sup- 
port its population had it not been for the use of clay as a building 
material. The arch was first used in treeless countries, or at least 
where large building materials were not to be had, and may be said 
to have originated in the use of clay. The adobe houses of North 
America owe their origin to the absence of any other suitable ma- 
terial or the difficulty of obtaining one. 

Some of the above examples show peculiarities of constniction 
due to the presence of certain kinds of materials only, but there are 
instances where a choice has been made among several kinds of ma- 
terials. Squier describes houses at the mouth of the Rio Ranees, in 
Peru, that are built of a peculiar tough turf found in the vicinity. 
Tule is used in the rainless districts of Peru and California. The 
use of a certain abundant substance in one district results in pecu- 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE ARCHITECTURE. 153 

liar methods which are absent in structures in which they are not 
used. 

The use of stone as a building material resulted from the want of 
a better and more easily handled substance. The first stage, where 
some timber can be had, is to build a wall of stone and a wooden 
roof. Such dwellings are found among the Maiwar Bhils. Stone 
forms the fabric of the most important edifices of Egypt, and the 
Doric temple itself, as M. Viollet-le-Duc has so ably shown, is a 
stone structure admirably designed and executed and expressing in 
the minutest details the adaptability of the material to the various 
uses to which it is put. The size of the stone has an important in- 
fluence on the appearance of the building and the method of con- 
struction. In the stone pueblos of America three kinds of walls 
were used— -one of alternate layers of large and small stones, an- 
other of layers of large stones, and a third of rubble-work. Lin- 
tels are found where large stones can be obtained and arches where 
only small ones can be had. Incidentally, also, the use of small 
stones led to the introduction of plastered or stuccoed surfaces. 

The Egyptians built hugh columns of small stones, covering them 
with plaster in order to produce the effect of monoliths. The grand 
yet simple results of Greek architecture w.ere obtained chiefly by the 
use of large materials, while the richness and variety of the Gothic 
results from the constant use of small stones. The Romans relied 
almost exclusively upon the plaster coating or veneer of costly mar- 
ble laid on walls of ordinary brick for the full effects of their 
buildings. The use of courses of stone naturally suggested the orna- 
mentation of each row or of certain rows. Soft stone was still further 
instrumental in the development of ornament. Lastly, it may be 
noted that a taste for polychromy follows the presence of varied 
colored stones. The rich appearance of the buildings in the vol- 
canic districts of France furnishes ample illustration. Stone was a 
substance not much employed by primitive builders, as its use im- 
plied considerable technical knowledge, and no works of importance 
could be accomplished except by means of the concerted action 
which is only found in semi-civilized or civilized communities. A 
number of stone huts are to be found in various parts of Europe, 
dating from a remote past if not from prehistoric times, that are 
scarcely more than stones piled up with more or less regularity. 
Few of these exhibit half the care and labor to be noted in the 
dwellings of the most primitive Africans. 
20 



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154 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Artificial building material came into use when no other was at 
hand and when the tribe possessed sufficient technical knowledge 
to produce it. The Kalmucks use frames of willow covered with 
felt, made of a number of pieces fastened together with thongs or 
hair ropes. The Khirghiz build similar tents, but made of reed 
mats held down by bands embroidered with needle-work. These 
mats are covered with an outer layer of felt, held in place by white 
belts crossing each other in various directions. The yurtas of Mon- 
golia are formed of a lattice of wooden laths brought from the 
Khalka country, where they abound. The roof is of light poles, and 
the whole is covered with sheets of felt that are doubled in winter. 
The completed tent bears a close resemblance to a heap of earth, 
an appearance that may have been sought as a protection against 
enemies. 

Sometimes a material is used because it is the most convenient, 
though a better may be had with little trouble. The Chinese mud 
hut is a case in point. It is composed of mud and millet stalks 
and has numerous advantages in the eyes of the natives. The ma- 
terials can be had on any plain for the mere picking up. In addi- 
tion each man can build his own hut, an advantage not to be despised 
where incomes are microscopic. When the floods and the rain 
threaten to dissolve the habitation, the owner takes his family and 
household goods to the roof, and as the water gradually disintegrates 
the walls the whole structure sinks softly down, safely preserving 
the precious freight. The ranchos of Chili, built of twigs and rushes 
and plastered with mud, are constructed so as to be easily taken 
down and rebuilt. 

Closely allied to houses built entirely of mud are those constructed 
of wattle and daub. Such dwellings are of frequent occurrence, 
and illustrations are supplied by the Mundrucus of Brazil, the Arau- 
canians, the Malagasys, the Gonds, and many others. In the north- 
ern interior of Australia the natives constructed huts of boughs 
covered with grass and leaves, with a thick outer covering of mud. 
The Fuegians sometimes placed turf above their shelters of skins, 
bark, or grass, and the dwellings of the Ostayks, theTschutschi, and 
the Oonalashka are all covered with earth. Such structures are to 
be found not only where better material is waating, but where the 
people are too indolent to devise better methods. 

Further variations in buildings are du2 to the fact that a peculiar 
material is within reach which gives a character to the architecture. 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE ARCHITECTURB. 155 

The light and graceful character of the dwellings of eastern Asia is 
due to the abundance of bambu. Among the people using this 
eminently adaptable material are the Nagas, the Khryings, the Jav- 
anese, the Sumatrans, and a host of others. It is the foundation of 
all east Asian building, and though it reached its highest form and 
fullest development with the Chinese and Japanese the less advanced 
races well understood its capabilities and made good use of it. The 
Javanese houses are built of a frame-work of bambu and poles cov- 
ered with plaited bambus or reeds. The roofs are of reeds, leaves, 
or pieces of bambu split and applied to each other by their alternate 
concave and convex surfaces. The floors are of split bambus. The 
Sumatran dwellings are largely built of palupo, which is bambu 
opened and made flat by notching the joints on the outside, cutting 
away the insides, and drying the shell in the sun. It is sometimes 
fastened with nails, sometimes woven together. The floors are of 
bambu, with an upper layer of split ones. The roofs are varied. 
Some are covered with palm leaves, formed into sheets, doubled at 
one end over a lath and tied to the rafters ; others are of narrow 
split bambus laid so ^ to form a triple covering ; others are covered 
with a substance resembling horse-hair ; and still others have split 
bambus arranged as in the Javanese houses. The hrgh arched roofs 
of the New Guinea houses are due to the elasticity of the bambu. 
It is generally used throughout the east for floors even if in no other 
part of the dwelling, as it is more readily worked than palm wood. 
All these structures exhibit the simplest and most obvious applica- 
tions of bambu to the needs of construction, but the full develop- 
ment, as seen in the houses of China and Japan, is so close to the 
methods of civilization as to remove them from the scope of this 
paper. 

Other trees tend to the formation of characteristic structures. 
Palm leaves are extensively used for thatching wherever they are 
found. In the Brierly Islands the houses are built of slender poles 
lashed together with rattans and thatched with grass which still has 
the roots attached to it, over which are placed a few leaves of the 
cocoa palm. In the dwellings of the New Zealanders and the 
Waraus palm is also employed as a thatch. The Arawaks of Guiana 
build their houses entirely of palm. Grass is also very generally 
used for thatching purposes. 

Bark, when it can be obtained in sufficiently large pieces, forms 
an excellent building material. Examples of its use have already 



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156 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. 111. 

been noted in the shelters of the North American Indians and the 
Australians. In high latitudes a variety of expedients are resorted 
to in order to supply what nature has denied. * Snow and ice are 
pressed into service when nothing else is to be had, and form good 
and serviceable shelters. < No useful substance is permitted to be 
wasted, and driftwood is treasured when it can be obtained. The 
Innuit usually build with snow when they can get no drift-wood. 
The bones of animals are sometimes used, so pushed for means of 
shelter are those living in the extreme north. The Tschutski build 
a frame-work of wood and whalebones, and other northern people 
construct dwellings entirely of the bones of whales, walruses, etc. 
These structures are circular, dome-shaped huts of ten or eighteen 
feet diameter ; the lower part is of stone, the upper of bones, that 
gradually incline inwards, meeting at the top. The crevices and 
the outside are covered with earth, and in the winter an additional 
layer of snow is carefully spread over all. 

Apart from the use of animal skins and bones in building the 
dwelling there are certain structural devices intended to prevent the 
living animal from interfering with the comfort and safety of man. 
Some authorities affirm that the abundance of reptiles in the island 
of Timour led to the custom of elevating the houses on posts. In 
the dwellings of the Brierly Islands, which are also elevated, a special 
device is introduced as a guard against rats, consisting of an oval 
disk placed between the joist and the post. In some parts of Africa 
it has been stated that the natives build their huts in trees as a pro- 
tection against lions. Nearly all African granaries are elevated on 
ix)sts to keep the grain safe from the ravages of rats. The records 
of African travel abound with accounts of the ravages of the dreaded 
white ants and the care that must be taken to protect everything 
edible in the way of wood or other substances. 

Some few of the leading characteristics of primitive architecture 
have been passed in review. Viewing the subject from the stand- 
point of the influence of the environment only, many features which 
are to be attributed to sociological influences have been omitted.* 
Limiting ourselves to this position, it is evident that however spontan- 
eous architecture may be at the present day, however much it may be 
the creation of the fancy, the expression of a refined and cultivated 



*See " Sociological Influencesin Primitive Architecture,*' American Naturalist, 
January, 1888. 



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April 1890.] PRIMITIVE ARCHITECTURE. 157 

taste, a desire for the odd or the beautiful in its earliest conception, 
its rudest forms, it was nothing more than the action of the environ- 
ment on the mind of man. If the climate was warm he built him- 
self a dwelling that gave him as much air as possible; if it was cold 
all his resources were devoted towards obtaining heat. If it rained 
regularly or constantly he gave his roofs a sharp incline ; if there 
was no rain the roofs were flat and afforded a pleasant place of resort 
in the cool of the evening. If there was no stone he made bricks, 
and if a pliable wood was at hand he devised a light form of structure 
the very ornamentation of whidi was in harmony with it. 

In primitive architecture there was no effort for effect — no loss of 
material ; primitive man had neither the time nor the intellect to 
spend on structures that are dictated solely by fashion or caprice. He 
advances slowly and with caution, evolving beforehand his methods 
of procedure. From natural shelters like caves he gradually pro- 
gresses through the T^rious stages of a single windbreak to a partially 
closed hut, and finally to the perfected form of an enclosed dwell- 
ing. In the case of sedentary tribes these dwellings are constructed 
with great care and skill, and sometimes attempts at ornamentation 
are made. With nomadic tribes there is less architectural advance- 
ment, but each applies his knowledge and means as best he may. 
To us, with our comfortable homes, our huge hotels, our gigantic 
office buildings, our churches, our theaters, our railway stations, our 
factories, our elevators, our steam heat, our electric light, and the 
thousand and one conveniences and necessities of modern life, the 
structures of primitive peoples appear meager and insufficient. It 
should be remembered, however, that many of our modern con- 
veniences are intended to supply artificial wants and that the neces- 
sities of to-day were unknown the day before yesterday. The hut of 
the Adamese doubtless answers all his ideas of comforts and is em- 
inently adapted to the life he leads. We, on the other hand, are 
constantly striving for changes and improvements and are never 
satisfied with the best results we can obtain. Primitive architecture 
may be stationary — it may exist in forms to-day that were employed 
thousands of years ago — ^but it is the faithful reflection of the envi- 
ronment and is thoroughly suited to the uses to which it is put. 
No further confirmation of this is needed than the fact that when 
Europeans take up their abode in tropical countries they follow the 
native methods of architecture so far as a prejudiced judgment will 
permit. 



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158 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [VoL 111. 

Nothing can be more rash than to attempt to formulate a law of 
architecture. The records of primitive architecture illustrate no 
law other than the action of environment and sociology. We may 
indeed say that man uses the best material known to him in the 
best way he can. This is, in fact, but one of the great principles 
underlying all architecture, both primitive and civilized, though 
perhaps it is best illustrated in primitive forms. 



Brasilian Indians. — An important paper on the Indians of Bra- 
silhas recently appeared in Archivio per V antropologia e la etnologia 
(the journal of the Italian Society of anthropology, ethnology and 
comparative psychology, published at Florence). The paper is by 
Dr. Alfonso Lomonaco, and is entitled '*Sulle razze indigene del 
Brasile, studio storico.'* It occupies pages 17-92 and 187-270 of 
the first two numbers of the current volume (v. 19, 1889) of the 
Archivio, The paper begins with an introduction, and is divided 
into four sections, as follows: part i, "The native races at the time 
of the discovery of Brasil," treating of the Tupy, the Tapuyas 
and the Aymores or Botocudos ; part 2, *' Brief remarks on the his- 
tory of the natives of Brasil from the discovery of the country to 
the present epoch; ** part 3, "The present native tribes of Brasil," 
treated under the following headings: "The present number of 
savages in Brasil ; their subdivisions, based on the classification of 
Martins ; the Tupis ; the Ges or Crans \ the Goytorkazes ; the Gue- 
rens or Crens; the Gucks or Cocos; the Parecis or Parexis ; the 
Guaycurus; the Arnaks; the tribes of the Rio Puriis studied by 
Chandless ; the tribes of the Xingii and of the upper Amazon ; 
mixed races of Brasil; domesticated Indians; the future of the 
present natives; conclusions;'* part 4, "Language and literature 
of the natives," including twenty-three Tupi legends collected by 
Dr. Cortes de Magelhaes. 

A short bibliography is appended to the paper and a plate of 
typical Brasilian Indians. 

John Murdoch. 



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April 1890.] THE t)LKCRANON PERFORATION. 159 



THE OLECRANON PERFORATION. 

BY DR. D. S. LAMB. 

In a collection of sixty-nine skeletons and parts of skeletons of 
prehistoric Arizona Indians from the valley of the Salado I found 
that 54 per cent, of the eighty-nine humeri showed the olecranon 
perforation ; forty-three of the right side, with nineteen foramina, 
or 44 per cent., and forty-six of the left side, with twenty-nine 
foramina, or 63 per cent. 

In another collection from ruins of the ancient Seven Cities of 
Cibola, near Zuni, New Mexico, were sixty-one humeri, with twelve 
foramina^ or 20 percent. ; thirty right humeri showed two foramina, 
or 7 per cent. ; thirty-one left, ten foramina, or 32 per cent. 

In a third collection of Indian bones from mounds in different 
parts of the United States, including New York, Maryland, Illinois, 
Wisconsin, and Dakota, there are sixty-two humeri, with seventeen 
foramina, or 20 per cent. ; thirty-five right, with seven foramina, or 
20 per cent., and twenty-seven left, with ten foramina, or 37 per 
cent. 

The Army Medical Museum also contains forty-eight skeletons 
from nineteen of the existing tribes of Indians. Of these ninety- 
six humeri the foramen is present in but awe, or 5 per cent., a 
remarkable contrast with the prehistoric races. One of these skele- 
tons showing the foramen is of a Sioux only about twenty years old. 

There are eight skeletons of negroes and mulattoes with but one 
olecranon foramen, or 6 per cent. Standing alone, this would seem 
to favor the statement of Pruner-Bey and others that the foramen is 
not present in the negro race. There is a skeleton of a Chinese 
woman showing the foramen present on both sides, and one of a 
Frenchman showing it on one side. 

In the pathological series of the Museum are 298 humeri, with 
twenty-two foramina, or 7.5 per cent. Of these humeri 160 are of 
the right side, with six foramina, or nearly 4 per cent., and 138 



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160 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

left, with sixteen foramina, or nearly 12 per cent. These bones are 
nearly all from soldiers in the military service, and principally 
white, thus disposing of the suggestion that the foramina are found 
only in the female sex. One of the injured bones is from a Mexi- 
can boy. 

With few exceptions the skeletons in the Museum are either in- 
fantile or adult. It is the more interesting, therefore, to know that 
of the adolescents two show the foramen. 

In my own private collection of humeri, twenty in number, there 
are six foramina, or 30 per cent. ; eleven are of the right side, with 
two foramina, or 18 per cent., and nine of the left, with four fo- 
ramina, or 44 per cent. These humeri were obtained from cadavers 
used in dissection, and as most cadavers in this locality are of 
negroes or mulattoes it is reasonable to suppose that most of these 
humeri are from the negro race. 

A review of the humeri in the above collections shows that the 
foramen was found in the proportion of 13 on the right side to 27.5 
on the left, or more than twice as often on the left side. 

The examination covered nearly 650 humeri and seemed to estab- 
lish— 

ist. The greater frequency of the foramen in the ancient peoples. 

2d. Its greater frequency on the left side. 

3d. Its occurence in adolescents, as well as mature individuals, 
in both sexes, and not confined to any one race. 

The most important question which arises is as to the use and 
significance of the foramen. It is obvious that the more the coro- 
noid or olecranon fossae are deepened the thinner becomes the par- 
tition, and a step further produces a perforation. This deepening 
and perforation increase the extent of flexion and extension of the 
forearm. What was there in the habits of the prehistoric and an- 
cient peoples which needed this increased flexion or extension and 
resulted in the foramen ? and why should this be more ft-equent on 
one side, and that side the left ? 

To arrive at a solution of these questions it seemed necessary 
first to ascertain in regard to its presence in the lower animals and 
compare the results with their habits. 

I accordingly examined the specimens displayed in the United 
States National and Army Medical Museums. Some perforations 
appear to have occurred in the preparation of the specimens, and 



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April 1890.] THE OLECRANON PERFORATION. 161 

these I did not count. There was seldom any difficulty in distin- 
guishing the true foramen, which always has a smoothly rounded, 
usually oval, margin; no such opening could be produced by acci- 
dent. Species are illustrated in museums by single specimens ; oc- 
casionally by two or more. The presence or absence of the foramen 
in any one specimen cannot be taken as an index for the species, 
since it may be simply an individual variation ; but where specimens 
of several species of the same genus show it, we are justified in as- 
suming its common occurrence in those species, if not in the genus. 

When the foramen is large, especially when the animal is young 
or small, I think we have a more certain indication of its common 
occurrence in that species than where the opening is small and there- 
fore more possibly a variation. I believe that the foramen is formed 
in the latter part of the period of development of the individual ; 
it is much more rarely found in the early part, although I cannot be 
so certain of this, because the museums contain but few skeletons of 
the earlier periods. 

The foramen has not been seen in any but the Mammalia. 

The testimony for the anthropoid apes is as follows: Several 
authors (29, 42, 49) have noted it in the chimpanzee. Hartmann, 
however, found it but once in four cases, and then on the left side. 
I have seen one specimen. It has been seen in the gorilla (47, 48, 
49). In Kneeland's case it was only on the right side. Hartmann 
found it twice in four individuals. I have seen two specimens, one 
an old female-with the openings, the other an old male without 
them. Hartmann failed to find it in the orang-utan, and Des- 
moulins says it does not occur. I have seen three specimens, in , 
two of which it was present and the openings were large. Mivart 
says it is sometimes present in the gibbons {Hylobates)\ Desmoulins 
that it is not found in H. syndactylus. It was absent from t\^'o 
specimens, a H, lar and H, leuciscus, which I have examined. 

The old-world monkeys include more than a hundred species. 
The testimony for the Colobimz is negative. Meckel says it is pres- 
ent in the CercopitheciruB \ Mivart that it is found sometimes in the 
green monkey. I have seen it in this and also a vervet, but only 
on the right side. Meckel says it is present in the white-crowned 
mangabey ; it was absent from the sooty mangabey. Mivart says it 
is sometimes present in the genus Macacus, I have seen it in the 
toque monkey. It was absent from the bonnet monkey and black 
21 



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162 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

ape. The best testimony is for the dogheaded baboons. Meckel 
found it in the Arabian baboon. I have seen it in the anubis and 
in one of two chacmas. Meckel says it is present in the mandrill, 
and I have seen it in three specimens, one a young animal, and both 
the foramina large; 

Of over a hundred species of new-world monkeys and marmo- 
sets I have seen thirteen specimens representing nine species, and 
did not find any foramina ; neither do authors mention their pres- 
ence. 

It was absent from two specimens of Indris, from the ruffed and 
slow lemur. Blainville and Mivart found it in the slender lemur, 
and I have seen two specimens which showed it ; in one the open- 
ings were very large. Mivart says it is sometimes present in the 
awantibo. 

Passing to the Camivora, Blainville says it is not present in the 
cats, about sixty-six species, except the pampas cat of South America. 
I have seen it in one ocelot on both sides, but in specimens repre- 
senting eight other species it was absent. Blainville mentions its 
presence and I have seen it in some of the civets. A specimen of 
the aard-wolf showed it. Meckel and Arens say it is present in the 
hyenas, including the fossils. Blainville found it in the striped 
hyena, and I have also seen it. Filhol shows it in Hycenodon, 

Blainville, Meckel, and Arens all speak of its constancy in the 
dog. All the species I have seen showed it, the only exceptions 
being an Eskimo-dog and a Dachshund, 

Of seventeen out of nearly a hundred species of weasels the fo- 
ramen was found, so far as I know, only in four — tayra, Mellivora 
CapensiSy Mydaus, and American badger. It does not appear to 
have been seen in the raccoons or bears, nor in any of the aquatic 
Carnivora. 

The Ungulata.— It is absent from the ox, sheep, goat, giraffe, and 
camel, and from the deer, except perhaps the roe, in which Arens 
has seen it ; but the specimen I have seen did not show the foramen. 
I have found it in a specimen of the Javan chevrotain, but absent 
from two others. Generally speaking, therefore, we may say that 
it is absent from the deer. The prong-horned antelope affords a 
striking contrast. I found the opening in four out of five speci- 
mens. Out of over 200 species, therefore, of the section Pecora 
the foramen may be said to be present in but one. 



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April 1890.] THB OLECRANON PERFORATION. 163 

In contrast with the Pecora the foramen is generally present in 
the Suina. All of seven specimens of the collared peccary showed 
it ; one was a young animal ; another had just matured. Arens says 
that the foramen is present in the whole family. Blainville found it 
in the wild hog and babiroussa, and Meckel in the common hog. 
Arens discredits the latter, and of about a dozen specimens which I 
have seen it was absent from all ; most of these, however, were 
young. It may be that domestication has changed the habits of the 
hog. The opening has been seen in Pallas's wart-hog and the Li- 
berian hippopotamus. 

The Perrissodactyla afford some striking contrasts. The horse, 
rhinoceros, and elephant do not show it. It has been seen by 
Blainville in the daman. Blainville, Meckel, and Arens all found 
it in the American tapir. Of the six species I have seen four, the 
American, Malay, white-lipped, and Baird's tapir. Of eight speci- 
mens of the latter, sixteen humeri, there were three foramina on the 
right side, six on the left. Three of the specimens were young ani- 
mals, in two of which the opening was absent ; in one, absent on 
the left side. 

Blainville and Cope mention its presence in some of the fossil 
Ungulata. 

The Sirenia and Cetacea do not show it. 

Out of more than 700 species of rodents the foramen was found 
in four of the squirrels ; eighteen other species representing seven 
genera did not show it. It is absent from the beavers and gophers. 
It has been seen in three out of about 330 species of rats. The 
common rat and mouse do not show it. It has been seen in some 
of the octodons ; in some of the agoutis, spotted cavy, guinea pig, 
and capybara. The large size of the opening in the Javan porcu- 
pine, golden agouti, guinea pig, and capybara is worthy of men- 
tion. All of the hares show the foramen. 

It is probably constant in some of the Insectivora, as the tenrec 
and common hedgehog; I have also seen it in Solenodon cu- 
banus and the South African hedgehog. Blainville found it in the 
Tupaiida and he and Meckel in the flying lemurs. It was absent 
from the moles and shrews. 

It is also absent from the bats and endentates, and probably the 
marsupiak. 



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164 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



The olecranon perforation in the lower animals. 



Chimpanzee, frequent. 
Gorilla, frequent. 
Orang-utan, frequent. 
Gibbon, rare. 

Colobinae, absent. 
Cercopithecinse, occasional. 
Mandrill, constant. 

New-world monkeys, absent. 

Slender lemur, constant. 

Cats, absent. 
Civets, common. 
Hyenas, constant. 
Dogs, constant. 
Weasels, occasional. 
Raccoons, absent. 
Bears, absent. 
Aquatic carnivora, absent. 

Ox, absent. 

Sheep, absent. 

Goat, absent. 

Giraffe, absent. 

Camel, absent, 

Deer, absent. 

Prong-homed antelope, constant. 

Peccary, constant. 
Wild hog, present. 
Domestic hog, absent. 
Hippopotamus, present. 



Horse, absent. 
Rhinoceros, absent. 
Elephant, absent. 
Tapir, nearly constant. 
Fossil Ungulata, sometimes. 

Sirenia, absent. 

Cetacea, absent. 

Squirrels, rare. 

Beavers, absent. 

Gophers, absent. 

Rats, rare. 

Octodons, common in some. 

Hares, constant. 

Tenrec, constant. 
Hedgehog, constant. 
Moles, absent. 
Shrews, absent. 

Bats, absent. 

Edentates, absent. 

Marsupials, absent. 

Monotremes, absent. 



Several authors (i, i6, 27, and 28) have mentioned the occur- 
rence of the opening in the lower animals. Mivart (42), p. 310, 
says : '* The cotonoid fossa is generally shallower in the Lemuroidea 
than in the Anthropoidea. A perforation extends into the olecra- 
nal fossa in some. This is very large and constant in Loris^ but 
it is also present in Troglodytes and Simla, and sometimes in Hylo- 
bates f man, Cercopithecus, Macacus, and Arctocebus, The olecra- 
nal fossa is sometimes deep, as in the SimiidoSy especially the Cyn- 
opithecince. It is less so in man, and still less so in the lemuroids, 
especially in Indris^ 



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April 1890.] THE OLECRANON PERFORATION. 165 

Many works on human anatomy mention its occurrence in the 
human subject. (See i to 19, 22 to 27, and 42.) Meckel, 1825 
(28), says that it is sometimes founchin man, but is small ; that the 
inferior races show it perhaps oftener than the superior. He found 
it especially in negroes and Papuans. Desmoulins, 1826 (29), men- 
tions a Hottentot skeleton which showed the foramen, and refers to 
its being found in the Bushmen and Guanches, and states that in 
this respect they differ fr#m the Mongols. He was in error as to 
the latter. 

Dr. Jeffries Wyman (30), in 1853, examined at the Jardin des 
Planies^ Paris, the skeletons of seven full-blooded negroes ; seven 
of the fourteen humeri, or 50 per cent., showed the foramen; in 
three subjects it existed on both sides ; in one, only on one side. 

In 1862 the Boston Society for Med. Improvement discussed the 
subject (30), and specimens from Indian mounds were shown.' In 
1863 the Anthropological Society of Paris took it up (31 to 37). 
Broca inaugurated the discussion, which recurred at intervals till 
1 88 1. Broca, Pruner-Bey, and Lagneau were the most prominent 
speakers. Perforated bones were shown from different parts of Eu- 
rope : as the caverns of Montmaigre ; sepulchre of Chelles ; exca- 
vations of Chamont (stone age) and St. Etienne; Furfoz (reindeer 
age) ; caverns of Aridge ; a Parisian cemetery of the XVIIth cen- 
tury ; cavern of Frontal, Belgium \ from the Ard^che ; Vaureal, 
and Charreouy (polished stone). Pruner-Bey believed that the 
foramen was found only in women, because all the perforated 
humeri that he saw were small. 

Verneau, 1878 (36), stated, in regard to the Guanches of the 
Canary Islands, that the humeri were robust, twisted, and often per- 
forated ; that the frequency of the foramen surpassed any previously 
known. In one grotto he found sixty-nine perforated humeri out of 
150, or 46 per cent. ; in other grottoes, a less per cent., but still 
high ; and sometimes the foramen was of uncommon size. He did 
not find the anomaly among the present people of the islands. 

Thuli6, 1 881 (37), stated that in the Bochimans the humeri were 
small and slender and the olecranon cavity perforated like the Guan- 
ches, some Egyptians, and many prehistoric humeri. 

The subject was also discussed by the International Congress of 
Anthropologists, Paris, 1867 (38). Broca claimed that it had no 
connection with the rank a people held in the scale of races, and 
that the foramen constantly became rarer since prehistoric times. 
During the discussion it was stated that the opening had been seen 



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166 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



in the humeri of natives of Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico, and also in 
the Kalmucs. 

The following is a list of collections, numbering sixteen humeri and 
upwards and arranged in the order of highest percentage of foramina: 



b 


oi 


a 

1 


Authority. 


« 


89 
150 

30 

il 

20 

62 

67 
122 
156 

97 
61 

28 
30 
66 


48 
69 

6 

17 
18 

12 

22 

2 

I 
t 

5 

7 



36.2 

34.3 
31.2 

30 

28 
28 

25.6 

21.8 

21.7 
20 

14. 1 
12.1 
10.6 

10.6 
7.5 
7 

6 

5.5 

4.1 

3.8 
3-2 



A. M. M. col 

BuU.Anthrop. Soc. 

Topinard 


Prehistoric Arizona Indians. 
Guanches, Canary islands. (Ver- 

neau.) 
Yellow and American races. 
Polynesians. 
Indian mounds of U. S. Wyman, 

Peabody Museum. 
Private collection, mainly negro and 

mulatto. 
Indian mounc^, U. S. 
From Vaureal, France. 
Guanches of Canary islands. 
Dolmens and grottoes around Paris. 

Polished stone. 
African negroes. 
Prehistoric Indians, ancient cities 

New Mexico. 
Melanesians. 

Dolmens. De Quiberon. 
Caverns of I'homme mort, Lozere. 


The author 

A. M. M. col 

Pruner-Bey 

Topinard 


€t 


A. M. M. col 

Topinard . 

« 


(( 


388 

288 

27 

16 
2001 


i< 


Polished stone. 
Dolmens, Liozere. Polished stone. 


A. M. M. col 

Antbrop. Soc. , Paris 

A. M. M. col. 

Topinard 


Mostly white soldiers. 

Bulletins. From Chamont, stone 

age. 
Negroes and mulattoes. 
Parisians from IVth to Xllth cen- 


96 
150 

*2l8 


A. M. M. col 

Topinard 


turies. 
Cotemporary Indians. 
.Parisians of Ctimetery of Innocents. 

(Hamy and Sauvages.) 
Parisians of Middle Ages. (Broca 

and Bataillard.) 
Europeans of America. Wjrman, 

Peabody Museum. 
Paris cemetery of XVI Ith century. 

Broca. 
Long barrows of England, bronze 

age. 


« 


52 

*2l8 

30 


Bull. Anthrop. Soc, 

Paris. 
Topinard 





* Probably same oolleotion. 



Dr. Wyman, in the Peabody reports of 1 868-' 78 (39), states that 
out of eighty humeri from the mounds of the western states and 
Florida twenty-five, or 31 per cent., were perforated; fifty-two 



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April 1890.] THE OLBCRANON PERFORATION. 



167 



humeri of Europeans examined by comparison gave only two cases, 
or 3.9 per cent. 

Dr. Montana, 1876 (40), presented six specimens of the foramen 
found in the island of Cuba to the Havana Academy, and said they 
were of the Chinese race. 

To sum up the foregoing : Meckel mentions its frequency in the 
Papuan ; Meckel and Wyman in the negro, and I am inclined to 
agree with them, although Broca, Lagreay, and Pruner-Bey doubt 
it ; Broca, Pruner-Bey, and Desmoulins in the Hottentot ; Desmou- 
lins and Thuli6 in the Bushmen ; Pruner-Bey and Thuli^, its occur- 
rence in the Egyptians ; Broca, Desmoulins, Lagneau, Thuli6, and 
Pruner-Bey all put the proportion high in the Guanches, and Ver- 
neau says it is not found in the present race of the islands. 




Fig. 1. 



The accompanying figure i, natural size, is of the lower part of a 
left humerus, from the Salado Valley (Hemenway) collection ; it 



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168 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 



was made by Dr. J. C. McConnell, of the Army Medical Museum. 
The foramen is quite large, as are most of those in this collection. 




Fig. 2. 



Figure 2 is also by Dr. McC. and of natural size. It represents 
the humeri of a child about eleven years old, from the same collec- 
tion. The right humerus shows a small foramen, with sloping edges. 
The left shows a wider, flatter, and thinner partition, with several 
small openings. It looks to me as if these foramina were just in 
process of formation, with the promise of the left being the larger. 
I was at first inclined to think with De Blainville and Meckel that 
the foramen was due to a want of ossification ; but if I interpret 
these specimens correctly it is formed at least sometimes and 
probably always, not by a failure to ossify, but by a process of atro- 
phy after ossification has taken place. It will be observed that the 
fossae and foramina are above the line of epiphyseal junction. 

The fact that in the collection of tapirs above mentioned the 
young did not show the foramen while the mature animals did 
seems to favor my proposition that atrophy occurs as maturity ap- 
proaches. If this be correct, then the atrophy itself would seem to 
be caused by the pressure of the coronoid or olecranon process, pre- 
sumably the latter, as shown, for instance, in the dog, where in the 
dry bone the olecranon process projects even through the foramen. 



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April 1890.] THE QLECRANON PERFORATION. 169 

Dr. Harrison Allen, of Philadelphia, wrote a commentary on this 
paper as it was originally prepared and before some important ob- 
servations had been made. I insert here so much of his remarks as 
will apply to it in its present shape. He says: 

** Reviewing the list in which the olecranon perforation is absent, 
it is seen that it includes all swimming and flying forms, as instanced 
in Sirenia, Cheiroptera, and Pinnepedia. In terrestrial types, which 
are adapted to life in the water, such as the aquatic camivora, it is 
also absent. Such facts suggest the conclusion that the relief of the 
limb from impact is in some way associated with the absence of the 
foramen. In like manner the absence of the foramen in the Eden- 
tata is evidence in the same direction, since these creatures are either 
fossorial or arboreal, and in neither adaptation is any result of im- 
pact demonstrable in the limb. If, therefore, it be conceded that 
the foramen is absent as the result of withholding of co-ordinated 
lines of pressure which accompany progression upon the ground, it 
becomes interesting to contrast the humeri of the old and the new 
world monkeys. In those of the old-world group the foramen is 
present, since progression (except in Hylobates) is much the same 
as in other terrestrial mammals ; whereas in those of the new world 
the prehensile tail must remove much of the impact from the limb. 

"Again, even among the terrestrial camivora the impact is much 
less (owing to the spread of the toes in the act of supporting the 
body) in Felidae, Procyonidse, and Ursidae than in Canidae. Why 
it is absent in some of the Ungulata and present in others is inex- 
plicable by any such hypothesis. It appears to be variable in limbs 
of the same species as in the ourang and to be present in wild 
forms yet variable in domesticated forms of sus scrofa. In man the 
greater frequency of its presence on one side of the body is curious, 
for according to the law of impact it should be absent on both. 

'* In conclusion, I may say that the theory of impact appears to 
account for the presence of the foramen in some of the most highly 
differentiated forms, but that its significance is evidently complex 
and will not admit of a single explanation. 

"In domesticated animals, including man, I am convinced that 
variations are always of obscure significance. The effects of dis- 
eased action often disturb the evolution of characters, and the 
observer must be on his guard how far to rely on general biological 
tenets in his attempts to explain variable structures.*' 

22 



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170 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. 111. 

Dr. J. L. Wortman, anatomist of the Army Medical Museum, 
has written the following opinion : 

** The explanation of the presence or absence of the olecranon 
perforation in the mammalian humerus is not altogether an easy 
matter when we take into consideration the diverse and widely sep- 
arated forms in which it occurs ; still there can be little doubt that 
in some species at least, in which it is very constantly present, the 
simple mechanical explanation appears to be the only reasonable 
one that can be offered. 

** An example of this kind is afforded by the dog and hyena, 
among the terrestrial carnivora. In them it will be noticed that 
the perforation or foramen is always large, and that the olecranon 
fossa is remarkable for its depth ; that in extreme extension of the 
forearm the olecranon process of the ulna fits accurately into the 
foramen, thereby allowing the limb to assume nearly a straight line, 
which it could not otherwise do if no foramen were present. In 
the cat, on the other hand, in which the foramen is invariably ab- 
sent, so far as my knowledge goes, the limb cannot be brought so 
nearly into a straight line by extreme extension of the forearm, for 
the reason that the olecranon process of the ulna impinges upon 
the bony septum between the coronoid and olecranon fossae of the 
humerus. 

"How, now, will we explain the difference in structure upon any 
hypothesis regarding the use of the limb ? It is a fact to be con- 
stantly observied in the habits of these animals that the dog and 
hyena, in feeding, place both forelimbs upon the bone or other 
morsel and remove pieces by tearing or pulling them off with the 
mouth. Again, who has not noticed the delight of the puppy at 
play in taking hold of an object with his mouth and pulling? 
Both of these acts require that the forelimbs, in order to form an 
efficient brace, must be made to assume as nearly a straight line as 
possible, so that the strain may fall directly upon the bones and not 
depend upon the strength of the triceps muscle, which would prove 
a manifest disadvantage. A constant repetition of this posture and 
a constant effort upon the part of the animal to straighten out its 
forelimbs has caused an encroachment of the olecranon process 
upon the bony septum between the olecranon and coronoid fossae, 
resulting, finally, in its disappearance and the formation of the 
foramen. 

"In no other species of the carnivora, with the possible exception 



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April 1890.] THE OLECRANON PERFORATION. 171 

of the civets, do we observe similar habits or a similar use made of 
the forelimb ; and in none of the rest of them do we find the foramen 
present. It may therefore be reasonably concluded, I believe, that 
in so far at least as these animals are concerned the mechanical hy- 
pothesis affords an explanation. 

** As regards the presence of the perforation in other forms, Dr. 
Allen has already suggested a plausible reason for its absence in the 
Cebidae and its frequent occurrence in the Simiidse among the pri- 
mates. Among the Rodentia it appears to be principally developed 
in the Lagomorphs or rabbits and the Hystricomorphs or porcu- 
pines and their allies, although some few of both the squirrel and 
rat divisions show it. I am not familiar with the habits of these 
animals; hut it is possible that some peculiar movement of the 
forelimb in obtaining their food may be responsible for its produc- 
tion in a manner not dissimilar to that already discussed in regard 
to the dog and hyena. 

*' Concerning the Ungulates, its presence in such forms as the 
prong-horned antelope, the pig, peccary, tapir, and, possibly, a few 
others, would appear at first sight to be puzzling ; but when we 
recall the habits of some of these species we are not so much at a 
loss for an explanation. 

" The pig and peccary have a habit, similar to that of the dog, 
of using their forelimbs to hold their food firmly to the ground, if 
it is of so firm a nature as to require forcible tearing apart. The 
same conditions would prevail, therefore, as in the dog, and as a 
result the foramen appears. This explanation will not apply to the 
prong-horned antelope in so far as the particular use of the limb is 
concerned. In them I fancy the perforation appears by reason of 
their peculiarly stiff-legged way of running, if I may so call it. 
This is so marked that the practised eye of the hunter seldom fails 
to distinguish the peculiar gait of the animals even at a great dis- 
tance, as I have so frequently observed. The effect is again the 
same in this case, namely, straightening the limb and the conse- 
quent pushing through of the olecranon process of the ulna. 

" In the case of the tapir I am not sufficiently acquainted with 
the habits of the animal in its native haunts to offer any explanation, 
but it would not be at all surprising if it is found that he uses his 
forelimb after the manner of the pig in tearing up succulent roots 
and other materials upon which he feeds.*' 

I have no further explanation of my own to offer and would 



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172 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

rather submit the case in its present shape. The historical research 
seems to confirm the testimony of the osteological collections, that 
the foramen was most frequent among the ancient peoples. The 
relative habits will probably explain the difference. 

The greater frequency on the left side is still an enigma. I have 
noticed that generally where it was present on both sides the left 
was usually the larger ; where absent on both sides the left partition 
was usually thinner. 

I desire to thank Dr. J. L. Wortman, anatomist of the Army 
Medical Museum, and Mr. Fred. Lucas, of the U. S. National Mu- 
seum, for assistance in preparing this paper. 

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23. Oloriz, F., Anat., Zaragoza, 1886, T. I, p. 273. 



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April 1890.] THE OLECRANON PERFORATION. 173 

24. Quain, Anat., London, 1867, Vol. I, p. 80. 

25. Richardson, T. C, Anat., Philadelphia, 1867, p. 149. 

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36. Ditto, I, 3d s6r., 1878, p. 433- 

37. Ditto, IV, 1881, p. 392. 

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41. Topinard, Paul, 6l6ments d'anthrop. g6n., Paris, 1885, p. 
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48. Lund, Edward, Proc. Lit. and Philosoph. Soc, Manchester, 
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49. Hartmann, Dr. Robt., ** Der Gorilla,** Leipzig, 1880, p. 135. 

The above paper was read before the Society February 15, 1890. 
In the discussion which followed. Dr. Matthews said that as the 
olecranon perforation was, in all probability, due to repeated and 



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174 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

forcible extension of the forearm, we must look for its cause in 
some labor which required its extension^ Among thd agricultural 
aborigines of the Southwest, who showed high percentages of this 
formation, we need not go far to discover the existence of such 
labor. The females were engaged during the greater part of their 
time in grinding corn ; this was performed on a metate, or large flat 
stone, by means of a smaller stone, which was held in both hands 
of the operator and moved forward and backward. The chief ex- 
ertion was made in moving the stone forward and required the most 
forcible extension of the forearm. Some agricultural tribes of the 
North used wooden mortars and pestles, which required a different 
motion in working them. 

Professor Cope remarked that the orifice in the humerus discussed 
by Dr. Lamb could be called neither a foramen nor a fontanelle, 
but is simply a perforation dependent on the thickness of the lamina 
which separates the anterior and posterior fosssae of the humerus. 
It is not useful for systematic purposes, as its presence rarely coin- 
cides with the rest of the structure. It indicates a deficiency of 
bone structure at the locality in question, but he was unable to 
assign any definite cause for this condition. The presence of the 
perforation is certainly not due in some cases to continued extension 
of the fore-arms; since in many aquatic mammals, as the seals, 
where vigorous extension is necessary to the use of the limb in 
swimming, the foramen does not occur. Within a limited range 
the character might be useful for diagnostic purposes, as for 
instance, as an aid in discrimating certain races of mankind. 



Polynesian Language.— Ren6 Allair (in Revue G^ographique 
Internationale for December, 1889, p. 266) characterizes the lan- 
guage of Polynesia as follows : 

"The language is soft ; it is as clear and well defined as French, sim- 
ple as English, but less unpleasant in pronunciation ; poetical as Ger- 
man, but less complicated; rich as Russian, but less difficult. It 
abounds in Vowels like Japanese and Italian ; it is as noble as Span- 
ish.'* John Murdoch. 



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April 1890.] 



ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



175 



A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY 



ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



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542.— B1U» (H. H.) The ear in 
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— Brnst (A.) Proben venezuelani- 
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1889, Beri., 487-495. Au- 

genbrauen und Brauenschminke bei 
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1889, 42-46. — Hatohinson (J.) 



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Notes on heredity. Arch. Surg. , Lond. , 
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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



181 



ment bildung in der Negerhaut. Mo- 
natsh. f. prakt. Dermat., Hamb.,1889, 
ix, 485-490.— MoriBon (Mrs. O.) 
Tsimshian proverbs. J. Am. Folk-lore, 
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452. — MUUner. Prahistorischc Ei- 
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1889-90. iv, 375-379---Ortvay (T.) 
Durchbohrung und Bohrdflfnung an 
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Packard (A. S.) The effect of cave 
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xxviii, 596-606.— Peet (S. D.) The 
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HUtoric and prehistoric rel- 
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richt iiber die gemeinsame Versamm- 
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der Deutschen anthropologischen Ge- 
sellschaft in Wien vom 5. bis 10. Au- 
gust 1889 mit Ausflug nach Budapest 



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vom 1 1, bis 14. August. Ibid.^ 49-188. 
— Reece (B.) Public schools as affect- 
ing crime and vice. Pop. Sc. Month., 
N. Y., 1889-90, xxxvi, 319-328. — 
Regalia (£.) Vi sono emozioni? 
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xix, 307-346. :. Nuove ricerche 

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Mitlh. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. Wien, 

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SchaaflFhaasen. Ueber die heutige 
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Sohlossar (A.) Votkslieder aus 
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Inwiefern is die menschliche Ohrmu- 
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Schwalbe (G.) and W. Pfltzner. 
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Schwatka (F.) The sun-dance of 
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3?3-397— Small (A. W.) The be- 
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Essais de craniom^trie & propos du 
crane de Charlotte Corday. Anthrop- 



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183 



ologie, Par., 1890, i, 1-26. — Treichel 
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Boston M. & S. J., 1890, cxxii, 193- 



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M., N. Y.. 1889-90, xxxvi, 577-600. 
— Wieaelgren (H.) Om stenen i 
Gr6nen-Dal. Ymer, Stockholm, 1889, 
ix, 60-63.— Wilder (B. G.) Does the 
poma (occipital operculum) occur in 
the human brain ? Med. Rec , N. Y., 

1890, xxxvii, 255.— V. WlUlookl 
(H.) Kinderspiele der siebenblirgi- 
schen und sUdungarischen Zeltzigeuner. 
Ztschr. f. V6lkerk., Leipz., 1890, ii, 
151 ; 192.— Woldrlch (J. N.) Ueber 
die palaeolilhische Zeit Mitteleuropas 
und ihre Beziehungen zur neolithischen 
Zeit. Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. 
Wien, 1889, n. F., ix, [78-82.^- 
Wright (G. F.) An archaeological 
discovery in Idaho. Scribner*s Mag., 
N. Y., 1889, vii, 235-238— Wurm- 
brand (Gunaker). Graf. Formver- 
wandtschaft der heimischen und frem- 
den Bronzen. Mitth. d. anthrop. Ges- 
ellsch. Wien, 1889, n. F., ix, [107- 
114]. — Znooarelll (A.) Un mat- 
toide da romanzo. Anomalo, Napoli, 
1889, i, 151; 171 ; 197.— Zuoker- 
kandl. Ueber die physische Be- 
schaffenheit der inner6slerreichischen 
Alpenbevolkerung. Mitth. d. anthrop. 
Gesellsch. Wien, 1889, n. F., ix,[i25- 

130]. Ueber die Mahlzahne 

des Menschen. Ibid,^ \MP\ ' — 

Vergleichendes Uber den Stirnlappen. 
Ibid,, [131-133]- 



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184 " THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 



BOOK NOTICES. 

British Association for the advancement of Science, Fifth Report of 
the Committee appointed for the purpose of investigating and publish- 
ing Reports on the Physical Characters^ Languages and Industrial 
and Social Condition of the North- Western tribes of the Dominion 
of Canada. London^ i88g. 

As stated by Mr. Hale in his preface to the above report, 
British Columbia offers to the present student of anthropology 
the best field for original research in North America. To a con- 
siderable extent this is due to the fact that the tribes, especially of 
the interior, have suffered comparatively little from contact with 
civilization and yet retain in pristine simplicity many of their old 
customs and beliefs. 

The effort, therefore made by the Canadian Government, con- 
jointly with the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 
to harvest the material from this comparatively unworked field must 
interest all students of anthropology. 

That the selection of Dr. Boas for this important work, be- 
cause of his experience and training, was a wise one, is fully sub- 
stantiated by this, his first general report. 

Though the trip undertaken in 1886-87 and that of the following 
year were in the nature of reconnaissances, a considerable body of 
important facts was gleaned, an earnest of the full harvest which 
awaits more extended observation. 

In this connection it may not be amiss to call attention to the 
fact that the demands of the science of to-day can only be met by 
the student who is able not only to visit but to live among the 
people he would investigate, and the more closely he conforms to 
the habits and life of the tribe and the more completely he is 
adopted by them, the fuller and more accurate will be his returns. 
No one better understands the situation that Dr. Boas, and in 
his comments upon the necessarily fragmentary character of his 
results he states that " the difficulty of observing or even acquiring 
information on such points [social organization, customs, arts, and 
knowledge] during a flying visit of a fortnight — the maximum time 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. • 185 

spent among any single tribe — is so overwhelming that no thorough 
report is possible, and it is almost impossible to guard against 
serious errors." 

Unfortunately the students as yet are few who, like Dr. Boas, are 
willing to decivilize themselves, and to be Indians among the Indians. 
Yet it is certain that until the men and means are found to do the work 
in this way, the results reached will continue to be fragmentary and 
more or less permeated with error. The stranger, however well 
acquainted with Indian nature and however tactful, must remain a 
stranger in a tribe for a long time, for Indian suspicion and reserve 
are hard to penetrate. The missionary who knows an Indian lan- 
guage, and no missionary can succeed who does not, has so far an 
advantage, but as his teachings are largely directed against Indian 
customs and belief, and his position is thus antagonistic, he too can, 
as a rule, reach but a limited distance into the mysteries of Indian 
sociology, mythology, etc. It is only the trained student who is 
willing to sever himself from civilization who can reap a full measure 
of success. 

Space permits mention of only a few of the important details of 
Dr. Boas* paper. The country visited is occupied by tribes be- 
longing to no fewer than seven or eight distinct linguistic stocks — 
a statement which at once conveys an idea of the difficulties of the 
student. 

These, as given by the author, are : 

I. Tlingit of Southern Alaska ; 2. Haida of Queen Charlotte Isl- 
ands and part of Prince of Wales Archipelago ; 3. Tsimshian of Nass 
and Skeena Rivers ; 4. Kwakiutl of the coast from Gardiner Chan- 
nel to Cape Mudge, except the country around Dean Inlet and the 
west coast of Vancouver Island ; 5. Nootka of west coast of Van- 
couver Island ; 6. Salish of the coast and the eastern part of Van- 
couver Island south of Cape Mudge, the southern part of the inter- 
ior as far as the coast of the Selkirk Range, and the northern parts 
of Washington, Idaho, and Montana ; 7. Kutonaqa of the valley of 
upper Columbia, Kootenay Lake and River, and adjacent United 
States. 

Dr. Boas points out that the language of two of these families, 
the Haida and Thlinkit, contain many similarities of form and 
phonetic elements, and that at least they form one group both by 
reason of their similarity to each other and their dissimilarity from 
the other families. He, nevertheless, notes a great difference be- 
24 



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186 ' THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

tween their respective vocabularies and grammatic elements and 
hence treats them as distinct, though considering the question of 
this relationship yet an open one. 

The Indians of the coast without regard to family are naturally 
fishermen as are also, chiefly, the interior Salish and Cootenai. Most 
of the interior Indians have given up their ancient customs and are 
Roman Catholics. They are said to be good stock raisers and to 
endeavor to irrigate their lands, but to be poor. The Coast Indians 
are well off. 

The Tsimshian have been Christianized, as is well known, and 
have given up nearly all their own customs. 

The physical character of the coast tribes is said to be very uni- 
form. This would seem to have resulted from similarity of habits 
and general environment rather than from the " frequent intermar- 
riages '* as stated by the author, though this too, doubtless, contri- 
butes to the general result. He finds further that the habitus of the 
northern tribes — ^Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Bilqula, 
and to a less extent of the Nootka — is similar to the East Asiatic 
tribes. The coast and interior Salish are of a different type. ''As 
the Bilqula speak a language belonging to the Salish family, it must 
be assumed that they acquired this distinct physical character through 
intermixture with the neighboring tribes.** 

Labretifery prevails among the females of the Tlingit, Haida, 
Tsimshian, and Heiltsuk, in short among the northern tribes of the 
region, from whom, probably, the custom was borrowed by the Alaska 
Eskimo. 

Chiefs' daughters among the Tsmishian are said to grind down 
the incisors to the gums by chewing a jade pebble, thus forming an 
arch — a curious sign of royalty indeed ! 

Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the mental capacity of the Indians 
described is high. He thus sums up their chief traits : 

** He is rash in his anger, but does not easily lose control over 
his actions. He sits down or lies down sullenly for days without 
partaking of food, and when he rises his first thought is, not how to 
take revenge, but to show that he is superior to his adversary. A 
great pride and vanity, combined with the most susceptible jealousy, 
characterize all actions of the Indian. He watches that he may re- 
ceive his proper share of honor at festivals ; he cannot endure to be 
ridiculed for even the slightest mistake ; he carefully guards all his 
actions, and looks fof due honor to be paid to him by friends, 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 187 

Strangers, and subordinates. This peculiarity appears most clearly 
in great festivals, which are themselves an outcome of the vanity of 
the natives, and of their love of displaying their power and wealth. 
To be strong, and able to sustain the pangs of hunger, is evidently 
considered worthy of praise by the Indian; but foremost of all is 
wealth. 

*' It is considered the duty of every man to have pity upon the poor 
and hungry. Women are honoured for their chastity and for being 
true to their husbands ; children, for taking care of their parents ; 
men, for skill and daring in hunting, and for bravery in war." 

A very important subject for investigation among our Indian 
tribes is the nature of property ownership, especially of land. It is 
generally believed that tribal ownership in land was the universal 
rule among eastern tribes. Not so among the coast tribes of British 
Columbia. Mr. Dawson states of the Haida (Queen Charlotte 
Islands, 1880, 117, 118) that the coast line and berry fields belong 
to the different individual families by whom they are considered as 
personal property and as hereditary. 

Dr. Boas, however, assigns to the gentes the property rights which 
Dawson gives to individual families. The former says, p. 37 : 

" Among all the tribes heretofore described, each gens owns a 
certain district and certain fishing privileges. Among the Tlingit, 
Haida, and Tsimshian, each gens in each village has its own fish- 
ing-groimd ; its mountains and valleys, on which it has the sole 
right of hunting and picking berries ; its rivers in which to fish 
salmon, and its house-sites. For this reason the houses of one gens 
are always grouped together. * * * The right of a gens to the place 
where it originated cannot be destroyed. It may acquire by war 
or by other events territory originally belonging to foreign tribes, 
and leave its home to be taken up by others ; the right of fishing, 
hunting, and gathering berries in their old home is rigidly main- 
tained. A careful study shows that nowhere the tribe as a body 
politic owns a district, but that each gens has its proper hunting 
and fishing-grounds, upon which neither members of other tribes 
nor of other gentes must intrude except by special permission.*' 

But more curiously still *' the property of the whole gens is 
vested in the chief, who considers the salmon rivers, berry patches, 
and coast strips in which the gens has the sole right, as his property." 
The chief thus appears to be assort of executive officer and adminis- 
trator to the gens. 



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188 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Many important facts are given respecting the food, occupations, 
clothing, implements, houses, social organizations, government 
and law, birth, marriage and death customs, religion, shamanism, 
secret societies, and finally languages of the natives of this part of 
America. It is to be hoped that the investigations thus auspiciously 
begun may be continued indefinitely to the honor of the Canadian 
Government and the profit of scholars everywhere. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



Les PremUres Populations de JO Europe, par le JMT* de Nadaillac. 

Paris, i88q. 

This work is in continuation of that by the same author, Z* Or- 
i^ne et U dtveloppement de la vie sur le globe, published in 1885, 
which was intended to describe the succession of beings that have 
filled earth and sea ''before the appearance of man at the moment 
prescribed by the divine will.*' The author now treats of man, his 
races, peoples, and advances, but in the present volume confines 
himself to the man of Europe, presenting, however, illustrations and 
parallels from all other parts of the world. 

The treatise is in many respects excellent. In particular the brief 
but comprehensive account of the megalithic monuments may be 
mentioned, and perhaps no better summary of existing knowledge 
relating to the palafittes has been presented. The theory of the 
population of the earth by migrations from the arctic circle is dis- 
posed of with convincing force. The discussion concerning the 
priscan home of the Aryans is both fair and acute, the author's de- 
ductions being in favor of Bactria as a locus of dispersion. On the 
whole, the valuable portions of the work are too many for special 
notice in the space now allowed, which must be reserved for men- 
tion of some points requiring examination on account of their ex- 
posure to adverse criticisih. 

Undue weight is given in this treatise, as in most others on the 
general subject, to the objects found in connection with buried hu- 
man remains as affording evidence of a synchronous prevalent belief 
in a future life. Undoubtedly, most tribes of men have held such 
a belief, more or less vague, at a certain stage of their culture ; and 
then objects were buried with the dead which, in some undefined 
way, were supposed to be useful in the future state. But there was 
once a widespread custom of disposing of certain kinds of personal 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 189 

property with the corpse, sometimes by burial, but also by crema- 
tion, in which the motive was sociologic and not religious. The 
object was to destroy the articles so as to preserve peace among the 
survivors. In a certain stage of savagery a man could have no prop- 
erty whatever, all property belonging to his clan. The first modi- 
fication of this condition was in the allowance of personal ownership 
in weapons, tools, or ornaments of a man's own manufacture. On 
his death these objects did hot belong to any one by title and, if 
not removed, they would become the occasion of contention, so they 
were destroyed, the act producing in time a burial rite. It is also 
to be considered that even at the present day the most cultured peo- 
ple bury with the corpses of their relations and friends such objects 
as were especially associated with the deceased in life. This is 
through a personal sentiment, and is certainly not a religious senti- 
ment, though it may be connected with religion through heredity. 
An officer of the army is sometimes now buried in his uniform and 
with his sword, and his wife is buried in her last ball costume and 
jewels, but these practices do not imply the supposed use of those 
adjuncts in a fiiture life, though they possibly are rooted in super- 
stition changed in its expression. As we clearly know other mo- 
tives than those connected with any religious dogmas for the burial, 
together with human remains, of such objects as are brought in evi- 
dence by the Marquis de Nadaillac and others of his school, the 
religious inferences derived from such burials are by no means con- 
clusive. , They may be suggestive and, in connection with other 
fads, may be highly instructive, but by themselves, as they are and 
must be in the older instances, they do not prove what is claimed 
for them. 

The most serious error of the author is in the doctrines promul- 
gated about the several distinct qualities and missions of what he 
assumes to be the distinct races of men. His commencing and 
concluding pages clearly set forth certain opinions as of ruling im- 
port, and fatalism is his watchword. He does not believe that there 
have been planes of culture common to all men from the earliest 
periods known, the characteristics of which planes were modified 
chiefly by specific environment. He regards the several races which 
he catalogues as specifically adapted by idiosyncrasy or predestina- 
tion to certain planes and as limited to stages of advance beyond 
which, to them, death bars further progress, not even absorption 
being allowed. 



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190 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

There can be no doubt that death bars advance if the people who 
might, could, or should have advanced are exterminated by foreign 
invasion, and doubtless absorption is prevented when, e. g., the 
Jews and the Goim, neither people will marry with the other ; but 
such cases are exceptional in the grand history of man. The ex- 
amples cited by the author are not fortunate. The most conclusive 
to him is the alleged fact that the North American Indian never has 
been and never can be civilized. That is the old /er^s naturcB doc- 
trine, now utterly disproved. It would seem that the Marquis had 
not read much of the literature of the last twenty years on this 
topic. 

The last half of the author's last page, which gives his funda- 
mental summations, presents some inconsistencies occasioned by the 
importation of what may be called the Calvinistic doctrine of pre- 
destination and election into the domain of anthropology. He 
says : ** History shows on every page great peoples — the Egyptians, 
the Chinese, the Mexicans, the Peruvians — stopping in their start as 
if an impassable barrier had been planted before them. Arriving 
at the limit fixed by impenetrable decrees, they are not only inca- 
pable of progress but even of comprehending the power and neces- 
sity of progress.'* History might have something to explain about 
these peoples quite distinct from racial characteristics. ' This asser- 
tion is followed by the statement that '* progress comes from the 
infusion of foreign blood among the old autochthonous populations," 
and that '* the races of Europe, which were and are reserved for the 
highest destinies, owe their grandeur and incessant progress to the 
Asiatic invasions. * ' Thus racial characteristics and racial predestina- 
tion are of much higher import than environments, yet progress 
was gained by the amalgamation of races, not by their continued 
purity. All races that became amalgamated in Euro[)e were good 
as ingredients ; all others were bad. It is to be inferred that the 
" autochthonous races" of Europe and of Asia were both bad, but that 
a primordial decree allowed of their favorable amalgamation with 
excellent results. So it would seem that if some other races had been 
allowed to amalgamate the result might also have been good. But 
the decree was against this union. There is no consideration of the 
fact that causes are known to be in continuous operation by which, 
the world not yet being at its end, there may be further amalgama- 
tion of peoples that are still in different stages of advance. It 
would be difficult to propose any explanation of man's progress less 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 191 

scientific or more egotistic than this theorized monopoly of preor- 
dination. It recalls the Puritan pronunciamento : Resolved, ist, 
that the earth belongs to the saints ; Resolved^ 2d, that we are the 
saints. • 

Garrick Mallery. 



Myths and Folk-lore of Ireland, By Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 
Little, Brown &* Co. i8go. Cloth, 12 mo, vi, 345, 

Such is the title of an attractive volume which comes to us in an 
appropriate binding of green and gold, with a spray of shamrocks 
in the corner. The author (an American by birth, but Irish by 
remote ancestry, as the name indicates) is probably as well qualified 
for the task he has undertaken as any man living, being a professional 
linguist and mythologist who has spent many years investigating the 
languages, customs, and traditions of the primitive people of three 
continents, from the root-eating tribes of California to the warlike 
mountaineers of the Caucasus. The twenty myths here given are 
part of the material cpllected in the district of the west of Ireland 
where Gaelic is still the everyday language of the people. Most of 
the stories were gathered through interpreters from the lips of old men 
and women to whom English is a foreign tongue, and most of whOm 
have never been farther from home than the nearest market town or 
the bounds of the next parish. The result is a collection of Keltic 
heroic legends almost entirely free from the foreign corruptions due 
to the intrusive race. 

* In the introduction, the author treats of the nature and origin of 
myths. He dismisses as partial, and therefore incorrect, the 
theories of Muller and Spencer, who derive all mythology from a 
misconception of the meanings of words and a confusion of ideas, 
and asserts, what is probably the true theory, that it has its origin 
rather in a misconception of the causes of phenomena, or, as Mr. 
Curtin puts it : ** The personages of any given body of myths are 
such manifestations of force in the world around them, or the result 
of such manifestation, as the ancient myth-makers observed." 

The definiteness of detail characteristic of Irish stories contrasts 
strongly with what is found in other parts of Europe. In Hungary, 
for instance, the usual introduction is, ** There was in the world," 
while the Russian story teller, hardly more satisfactory, informs us 
that *' in a certain state in a certain kingdom, there was a man." 



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192 THR AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

** In the Irish m)rths," on the contrary, " we are told who the char- 
acters are, what their condition of life is, and where they lived and 
acted ; the heroes and their fields of action are brought before us 
with as much definiteness as if they were persons of to-day or yester- 
day," and in another place he asserts that " the Gaelic mythology, 
so far as it is preserved in Ireland, is better preserved than the 
mythology of any other European country.*' From the definite 
character of the myths, together with the internal evidence afforded 
by the language itself, it would seem that the Gaelic occupancy of 
Ireland dates from a very remote antiquity, going back, in fact, to 
the period of the earliest wave of migration from the primitive 
home of the Aryans. 

The most interesting legends of the volume are those belonging 
to the great epic cycle of the F6inne — ^the Nibelungenlied or Kale- 
vala of the Gael. The F^inne were the knightly champions of 
ancient Ireland, banded together under the leadership of Fionn 
MacCumhail, from whom they derived their name. The story of 
their origin is curious. The beautifiil daughter of a king is to be 
won only by the performance of a feat which all the princes and 
heroes of Ireland had attempted in vain, and in consequence of fail- 
ure they have been confined in a dungeon and condemned to a cruel 
death. Fionn, a youth until now unknown to the world, performs 
the task and rescues the heroes, who agree to follow him and obey 
his every command. Thus originated the FHnne Jtirinn, Fionn 
himself is the offspring of a secret union between Cumhal and a 
king's daughter, and has been brought up in concealment by his 
grandmother to escape the wrath of the king, to whom it had been 
foretold by the druids that he would one day lose his kingdom at the 
hand of his grandson. In all his adventures he is accompanied by 
a group of chosen companions, each one of whom is endowed with 
some magic gift, and by a wonderftil dog, Bran, bom on the same 
day as her master. The champion himself obtains knowledge of 
whatever is going on in any part of the world by chewing his thumb, 
which had once touched the Salmon of Knowledge. One of these 
legends, that of the death of Cuchullin, resembles the pathetic story 
of Sohrab and Rustem in the Shahnameh. The cycle properly ends 
about the beginning of the Christian era, but is brought down to a 
later date by the re-appearance of Oisin (the Ossian of Macpherson), 
who returns from the Land of Youth, after an enchant^ existence 
of three hundred years, in time to be baptized by Saint Patrick, soon 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 193 

after which he dies. The legends are common to the Gaelic popu- 
lation of both Ireland and Scotland, and in the former country, 
especially, some one of the leading incidents is localized in almost 
every county. The modern Fenians derive their name from these 
old mythic champions. 

Not alone the Fenian stories, but also all of the others which can 
be considered distinctively Gaelic, are found in almost identically 
the same form in the highlands of Scotland, as was discovered by 
Campbell, who published a valuable collection of " Popular Tales 
of the West Highlands" nearly thirty years ago. For instance, in 
the Irish story of "The King of Erin and the Queen of the Lone- 
some Island," the false queen is made to put on a magic belt, which 
tightens and compels her to confess that her children are not the 
king's sons. In the version noted by Campbell " Conall, at the 
end, puts a ring on the queen's finger. It tightens and forces her 
to confess that her sons are not the king's children, and Conall reigns 
as the king's only son." The Green Isle of Campbell may be the 
Lonesome Island of our author, from a confusion of two similar 
words, uaine (green) and uaigneach (lonesome). The incident of 
the hero and the sleeping queen occurs also in a Norse tale in Das- 
ents' collection. "Fair, Brown and Trembling" is another form 
of the story better known as "Cinderella." The version here 
given, although obtained in the Gaelic district of the west, has 
evidently suffered at the hands of the modem story teller, who 
makes the king's son go to mass and wait outside the church door 
for the maiden, who is afterward shut up in a closet by her envious 
sisters to conceal her from his sight. In the Leinster version, as 
learned by the writer years ago at his mother's knee, the girl goes 
to a grand ball at the king's palace and is afterward hidden under a 
large basket {cliabJi)^ when the little bird hops in at the door and 
begins to sing, 

** Bonny foot and hily foot, 
In under the basket** 

The author is to be commended for studiously avoiding that 
abominable mixture of jargon and cheap vulgarisms popularly sup- 
posed to represent the Irish brogue, while at the same time he has 
carefully preserved the strong Gaelic idioms which give so -much 
force and beauty to the language, as exemplified in the proverb of 
the people, " Plead for your life in Irish." It must be remembered 
that English is a foreign tongue which has been forced upon the 

25 



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194 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, [Vol. III. 

people of Ireland, chiefly within the present century, and the broken 
forms of the Irish peasant no more represent his correct modes of 
expression in his own language than the coarse slang and dialect 
phrases of the Georgia cracker or the western cowboy represent the 
language of Americans. The only effect of such a misuse of words 
must be to disgust sensible people and represent an intelligent nation 
as a set of buffoons. 

It is to be regretted that more space is not given to explanatory 
notes and to comparisons with the mythology of other European 
countries, but this may be remedied in a future edition. Taken 
altogether the book is the best of the kind that has appeared since 
Kennedy's collection was published twenty-five years ago, and is the 
first real attempt to bring to popular notice the splendid legendary 
treasures of the oldest nation of Western Europe. 

James Mooney. 



Report of the Cruise of the Revenue Marine Steamer Corwin in the 
Arctic Ocean in the year 1884. By tapt, M, A. Healy^ U. S. 
R. M., Commander, Washington^ i88g. 

The recently issued report by Capt. M. A. Healy upon the cruise 
of the Corwin in the Arctic, in 1884, possesses more than usual 
claims upon the attention of those who are interested in the natives 
of Northwestern Alaska. It is nearly three years since the com- 
panion report of 1885 was issued, and the two together supply 
many valuable details regarding the little known natives of the 
interior of Northwest Alaska. The report for 1884, though issued 
subsequently to that of 1885, is much more satisfactory to the 
student of anthropology. 

The report of the commanding officer contains, in addition to 
the matter descriptive of the country and the cruise, some interest- 
ing statements in regard to the Eskimo. The injustice of the law 
which prohibits the sale of breech- loading rifles to the Eskimo is 
pointed out, and its repeal advocated on the ground of reason and 
humanity. 

The efforts of the Corwin have resulted, it is said, in the almost 
complete suppression of the whiskey traffic with many of its attendant 
evils ; but it is evident, from other statements in the book, that the 
good work is by no means finished. 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 195 

As a result of fifteen years' observation, Captain Healy places the 
native population of Alaska at about 20,000. It is, however, to 
the narrative of the exploration of the Kowak River by Lieut. J. C. 
Cantwell that the student will turn with greatest interest. Though 
the primary purpose of the journey was exploration and not scien- 
tific investigation, and although no professed ethnologist accom- 
panied the party, yet many important facts regarding the natives 
were obtained and recorded. 

The interior of Northwest Alaska is composed of broken, irregu- 
lar mountain ranges with wide stretches of tundra or sphagnum 
plains. Small streams of water intersect the tundra in every 
direction which have their origin in innumerable lakes. In such a 
country a boat is an absolute necessity for summer travel. 

The inhabitants of the river are Eskimo, but they are Eskimo of 
the interior, and the change of habitat has resulted in a corresponding 
change of habits and apparently even of physical characteristics. 
Thus we are told that they have, as a rule, dark complexions, promi- 
nent cheek-bones, large mouths, and sharp chins, giving to the face 
a triangular appearance very different from the round face of the 
coast Eskimo. 

An estimate of the population of the Eskimo of the Noitoc, Kowak, 
and Selawick rivers, whose language and customs are said to be 
practically identical, is as follows: Noitoc, 350; Kowak, 275; 
Selawick, 3oo^total, 925. 

From the middle of July to the latter part of August, the natives 
from the inland meet their brethren from Cape Prince of Wales, 
Diomedes, and Point Hope, on Hotham Inlet, for the purpose of 
trade, and their intercourse appears to be limited to this period. 

Unlike the coast Eskimo, the Kowak natives do not live in 
permanent winter settlements. In early winter they gather in 
small, isolated communities, usually of from one to three families, 
and live in subterranean houses near the banks of the larger streams. 
Later, when deep snow has fallen and the surface is frozen hard 
enough for sledding, they begin a nom^ic life. At this season the 
flesh of the reindeer furnishes the chief means of subsistence, and 
in the pursuit of these animals they are compelled to wander here 
and there over the vast plains of the interior. Having located a 
herd of reindeer, the young men are followed by the old men and 
the women and children, whose duty it is to bring up the camp 
equipage on dog-sleds. Notwithstanding the precarious character 



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19G THE AMEEICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

of the food supply at this season, the natives are said to be as im- 
provident as the North American Indian usually is wherever found, 
and they rarely have on hand more than two or three days* extra 
supply of provisions. As it not infrequently happens that stormy 
or very cold weather imprisons the hunters within doors for a week 
at a time, starvation is often threatened and occasionally whole 
families fall victims. It seems to be their usual custom to dry 
sufficient fish to last from the time the rivers are frozen until winter 
hunting begins ; but with this exception the natives appear to make 
no effort to lay up a store of provisions in case of accident or 
unusual scarcity of game. 

The coolcing in winter is of the most primitive kind : A small 
wooden tub is filled with snow which melts in the heated air of the 
iglu ; the water then made to boil by. means of stones heated to 
redness in the flame of the stone lamp. The meat is then partially 
boiled. 

When the ice in the river begins to break up and the return- 
ing sun has rendered the snow unfit for sledding, the natives 
gather in small settlements along the banks of the larger rivers and 
locate their summer houses. The men then have recourse to hunt- 
ing and trappings and the women prepare their nets for fishing, for, 
rather curiously, the labor of catching the fish is allotted to the 
women. The summer houses are very simple structures, being mad^ 
by planting half a dozen pliant willow wands in the ground in the 
form of a circle, bending their upper ends and twisting them to- 
gether to form the frame. A covering of deer skins or drilling 
makes the house complete. 

Lieutenant Cantwell supplies the natives with a certificate of 
excellent character. They are honest in dealing with strangers and 
among themselves. They are simple, credulous, and hospitable, 
and though intensely curious, are not prying or intrusive. In their 
domestic relations they are kind to each other, and the universal 
consideration paid to the. old is a marked trait of their character. 
He admits, however, that they are prone to the sin of lying, and 
when detected, they do not exhibit any shame whatever. 

As appears to be the case among the Eskimo everywhere, there 
are no recognized chiefe or any trace of tribal union. The 
shamans are greatly respected among them, and those individuals 
more intelligent or more highly gifted naturally have much influ- 
ence. As the women render important assistance in obtaining food 



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April 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 197 

and as burden carriers, they, too, have considerable influence, and 
it is stated that *' in all discussions touching the welfare of the 
community, or any important project, the women, especially the 
old ones, join, and their opinions are received with evident respect 
by the men." 

They suffer most from pulmonary complaints and rheumatism. 
Epidemic diseases are of rare occurrence, and it is stated that 
syphilis has not reached the interior settlements to any great extent, 
but it is only a question of time when its ravages will extend from 
the coast tribes to this people. The treatment of the sick consists, 
as among our Indians, of shamanistic rites, the shaman using a few 
herbs to assist him in his incantations, nothing in the way of medi- 
cine for the disease being given to the patient. 

Near the coast the ordinary Eskimo kyak is used, but towards the 
upper Kowak boats of spruce and birch bark were found, the former 
material being employed for the larger and more serviceable boats, 
while birch served for the lighter canoes that are stated to have been 
of the most exquisite design. 

In the winter snow-shoes furnish the ordinary means of locomo- 
tion, while transportation is effected by means of dog-sleds. 

Unlike the coast Eskimo of Alaska, the Kowak Eskimo do not, 
as a rule, wear labrets. Altogether these inland Eskimo form an 
interesting object for study, combining as they do, to a slight ex- 
tent, the habits of the coast Eskimo with the general habits and, 
apparently, also, to some extent, the physical characteristics of the 
Athapascan or Tinne tribes of the far interior. They serve well to 
illustrate how completely the Eskimo is a creature of his environ- 
ment, and the extent and readiness with which changes take place 
when he is subjected to different conditions of life. 

It is greatly to be regretted that the author of this valuable report 
did not obtain vocabularies of the people he visited. The compari- 
son of the dialects of these inland Eskimo with one another and 
with those of their coast brethren could scarcely fail to yield inter- 
esting and important results. The report is generously illustrated, 
and among the illustrations of the natives and their houses and 
products are some of the best that have yet appeared. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



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198 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 



NOTES AND NEWS. 
PREHISTORIC MAN IN AMERICA. 

To the Editor of the American Anthropologist : 

Dear Sir : I agree so entirely with the sensible and conservative 
conclusions of Major Powell's article upon Prehistoric Man in 
America^ in the Forum for this month, that I regret that any flaw may 
be detected in his arguments by ** archaeologists." As an anthro- 
pologist and geologist his reasoning will undoubtedly carry great 
weight, but I believe he makes no claim to be regarded as an archae- 
ologist; while he certainly has sufficiently indicated his opinion 
about "pseudo-archaeologists.'* As my own published opinions 
coincide in almost every particular with his, I cannot be suspected 
of any other motive than to strengthen the case he undertakes to 
establish. 

That the so-called '* mound builders*' were ancestors of the In- 
dians I fully believe, but it is not the fact that ** white traders " ever 
offered to the Indians "stone tomahawks and stone knives," as he 
states, or Va better class of copper tools," and that in consequence 
such objects have been "scattered through early barter far and wide 
over the land." Such a proceeding clearly would have been futile. 
The first traders wished to make the Indians more successful hunters 
in order that they might get more i:)eltry from them, and to effect 
this provided them with steel tomahawks and steel knives in place 
of their own weapons made of stone or occasionally of copper. This 
is perfectly well known both by historical evidence and by archaeo- 
logical proof. All the "beautiful" stone and copper implements 
that have ever been discovered are of native fabric, with the excep- 
tion of certain gross and palpable forgeries by which no properly- 
informed "archaeologist " could be deceived for a moment. 

In regard to the stone mortars, discovered in large quantities in 
the gold-bearing gravels of California, Major Powell states that they 
"are identical in every respect with those found in modern times," 
and he suggests that they may have been used by the Indians to 
grind acorns in. But this is entirely at variance with the statement 



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April 1890.] NOTES AND NJIWS. 199 

of Mr. Skertchly in an article ** On the Occurrence of Stone Mortars 
in the Ancient (Pliocene?) River Gravels of Butte County, Cali- 
fornia/* published in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVII, pp. 332-337 (Jan. 10, 1888). 
He says "This country was inhabited by the Digger Indians until 
about the year 1865. My friend, Mr. Glass [the superintendent of 
the Spring Valley Gold Mine], was well acquainted with them, and 
assures me that they did not use such mortars. They hollowed out 
rocks in situ and therein pounded the acorns on which they so 
largely subsisted. They were acquainted with these mortars, but 
knew nothing about the makers of them, and held them in such 
superstitious dread that on no accoimt could they be induced to touch 
one." 

Again, Major Powell does not discriminate sharply enough between 
''palaeolithic implements,*' properly so-called, and those of a simi- 
lar rude type, which were manufactured and used by the Indians at 
or about the time of the advent of the Europeans to these shores. 
I suppose he has in mind the error into which Mr. Wilson has 
fallen in his article in the Anthropologist, for July, 1889 (vol. II, p. 
239), on The Paleolitfdc Period in the District of Columbia, that 
" the distinct type of implement called paleolithic is not known to 
have been used by the American Indian." I have taken too many 
of them with my own hands out of Indian "shell heaps" not to. 
know the contrary. There is no difference in "type" between 
them, and the. sole distinction lies in the circumstances under which 
they have been found. I wish Major Powell had made this clear, as 
he certainly believes in it. 

It is greatly to be regretted that Major Powell should, seem to 
question the genuineness of the carvings and drawings upon bone, 
ivory, or reindeer horn, which have been discovered in the cave- 
dwellings of the Dordogne, in Southern France. I am sure he would 
not have done so if he had ever seen any of the originals, and he 
must have been misled by poor engravings of them. For this rea- 
son I regret the more that I have not been able to find a purchaser 
in this country for the fine collection of them, made by the Vicomte 
Lastec St. Jal, from the celebrated cavern of Bruniquel. It would 
then be plain to see that " these unskilled savages could cut pictures 
on bone, and possessed the knowledge and skill needed to represent 
relief in form and relations in space, " just as, it might be observed, 
the recent Eskimo have done. The more careful publications. 



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200 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

however, of the collections of MM. Massenat and Piette have given 
even those who have not had the advantage of personal inspection 
the ability to judge accurately about the genuineness of these most 
important contributions to the history of the artistic development of 
mankind. Henry W. Havnes. 

Bosnoij,yanuary 4, 1890. 



Archa«ologic Discovery in Idaho. — In a recent address before 
the Brooklyn Institute Prof. S. Frederick Wright announced an 
archaeologic discovery in Idaho, a short notice of which appeared 
in the Scientific American of November 9, 1889, and more recently 
in Scribner's for February, 1890. The account states that an arte- 
sian well was being bored at Nampa, Idaho, by Mr. M. A. Kurtz. 
The drill was used until the lava deposits were passed, when a sand 
pump was introduced, and at the depth of 320 feet a small figurette 
was brought up which is described as apparently the figure of a 
female, one arm and leg being missing. The image was first sup- 
posed to be of fine pumice stone, but, upon examination by Profes- 
sors Putnam and Haynes, it appears to be made of stiff clay, with a 
coating of oxide of iron, which gives it a mottled appearance. The 
latter p;entlemen are said to be well satisfied of the genuineness of 
the image and of the fact that it is of considerable antiquity* With 
reference to the all important question of the antiquity of the find, 
Prof. S. F. Emmons, of the U. S. Geological Survey, is of the 
opinion that the beds from which the image is said to have come 
are probably older than any deposits fi-om which human implements 
have hitherto been derived. The beds in question were laid down 
prior to the lava flows which overlay it, and the depth of the cafion 
which the Snake river has cut in its present course through the lava 
is the time measure relied upon by Prof. Emmons. It is to be ob- 
served, however, that no detailed geological study of the region in 
question has yet been made, and, as Prof. Emmons himself states, 
such a study is absolutely necessary ere any reliable estimate of the age 
of the sand deposits can be made. 

H. W. Henshaw. 






/ 



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'^ ' V i.^ 



THE 



American Anthropologist. 



Vol. III. WASHINGTON. D. C, JULY, 1890. . . No. 3. 



CUSTOMS OF COURTEST. 

BY GARRICK MALLERY. 

Few ceremonial customs have originated in recent times. Their 
forms, whether now trivial or still important in Sociology, are 
vestiges of the past and only by anthropologic studies are traceable 
to their genesis and early form. All authorities, unswayed by a 
religious or theorizing bias, agree that in the origin of these cere- 
monies there was nothing designed or intentional — that is, they were 
not directly invented with definite purposes. A thing is not now 
and never has been customarily done because it is intrinsically right, 
but is considered to be right after and because it has been habitu- 
ally done, whatever its origin or the circumstances in which it pre- 
vailed. 

The rules of courteous behavior as they now exist are not the 
immediate effect of deliberate conventions, but are the natural and 
slow product of the forces gradually developing social life, and they 
exhibit the laws of evolution with as great distinctness as is demon- 
strated in the physical realm. Men have not fabricated though 
they have framed rules for themselves. They have fallen into the 
customs from which rules were framed, and then by unintended 
modifications have deviated into novelty and new rules. 

Oriental philosophy regards our scientific studies as futile. With 
its watchwords on the one hand of Kismet, on the other of Nirvana, 
it pronounces as worthy of attention only those subjects which are 
relegated by the professed agnostic to the limbo of the unknowable, 
and by most believers in religious creeds to the nebula of the super- 
natural. 

26 (201) 



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202 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The classic Greek philosophy of the archaic is illustrated when 
Ion invokes — 

Ye eldest gods 
Who in no statues of exactest form 
Are palpable ; who shun the azure heights 
Of beautiful Olympus, and the sound 
Of ever young Apollo's minstrelsy ; 
Yet * * * keep revengeful watch 
On falling nations and on kingly lines ! 

But this is an example of ** looking backward" in which the 
Greek poets sought to start the machinery of their cosnrology. In 
the truly primitive times there were no nations to fall because none 
had yet arisen, and no kingly lines for gods to watch. Neither 
were those eldest gods the grand concepts of Greek culture at its 
acme. The gods earliest in date were fashioned from the crude 
imaginings of the earlier men. The latter were chiefly concerned, 
besides scraping up a subsistence, about the interpretation of dreams, 
and the invention of totems and taboos. Connected with these were 
names and titles, lines of paint and tattoo and the forms of meet- 
ing and greeting. In short, they were occupied on things which to 
us seem insignificant, but which in their developed forms have 
moulded and marked the institutions of the world though, becom- 
ing abbreviated and disguised in their long descent, they are now 
but faintly traceable. 

To the query ** why do nations and peoples do anything as a cus- 
tom?" the optimist answers " because it is right," which assump- 
tion yet further confuses the vexed question whether, in the nature 
of things, there is an absolute right and an absolute wrong ; for 
customs vary even unto opposition in different parts of the world, 
and not only in different but in the same periods of history. There- 
fore they cannot all be absolutely right. In matters large and small, 
vital and trivial, what is esteemed as virtue and merit at one place 
and time is condemned at others as vice and crime. Explanation 
has been attempted on the theory that there are distinct races of 
men each of which has its idiosyncrasy; indeed, that by primordial 
decree each of them had the mission to do certain things and no 
others. By such theory fatalism is omnipotent and all mea are 
marionettes. But this explanation depends upon a conceded classi- 
fication of men into races, which has failed. A few years ago school- 
boys glibly recited the titles of the races of men with their charac- 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OF COURTESY. 203 

teristics ; but now students who have devoted long lives to the subject 
find such classification to be so difficult that no two writers agree. 
This does not indicate the proposition that there are no distinct races 
of men ; indeed, it is possible that once there were many more races 
than have ever been recognized, the present condition being one of 
amalgamation. But the plot of the marionette show becomes con- 
fused when there is no agreement about its personages. 

The chief justice of a high court lately declared that no race of men 
was good for anything which had not believed in only one God and 
allowed only one wife. As all the races of men have at some time 
believed in many gods and have allowed a plurality of wives, this 
dictum would condemn all ; but it is an example of hysteron-proteron, 
or ** the cart before the horse." If the statement had been that poly- 
theism and polygamy must be abandoned before the attainment of 
high culture is possible, it would have been historically true ; but 
as made, it is as inaccurate as to assert that no race is good for any- 
thing in which the men have not always worn trousers — a useful but 
recent invention of civilization. Instead of seeking an explanation 
of customs in race, it is more practical, as well as more scientific, to 
look for it in habitat and history — /. ^., in environment. 

As a general remark, while the optimist declares about customs 
that '* whatever is, is right,'* the anthropologist, knowing the once 
prevading potence of religions, may change the phrase to ** what- 
ever is, is a rite," though perhaps the rite is in ruins. 

An apparent exception occurs in the arbitrary edicts of fashion, 
styled very properly by Borachio as " g deformed thief; " but a dis- 
tinction may readily be made between custom and fashion. Fashion 
is imitative and transitory. It is most commonly noticed in de- 
tails of dress or ornament designed by some influential person to 
conceal a defect or display a beauty ; sometimes, however, in latter 
days by a conspiracy of manufacturers, tailors, or milliners. With 
the cessation of the special influence the imitation gradually de- 
clines, unless, indeed, genuine merits are discerned in the invention, 
in which case it is assimilated through the vital catalysine faculty. 
The method of human progress is empirical. The good and useful, 
when ascertained by experiment, are retained for further improve- 
ment throughout the ages, while the nocuous or useless are sooner 
or later rejected. 

Some interest attaches to the word etiquette. It is probably an 
orderly French corruption of the formula ^^ est hie questio inter N. 



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204 THE AMEKICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

&* JV,** endorsed by the French procureurs upon their law papers, 
similar to our " JV. versus iV./' from which the primary French 
meaning of the word in the sense of a label or 'ticket evidently 
originated. As Etiquettes were fastened outside of documents or 
parcels to indicate their contents and place, so Etiquettes were given 
to people on ceremonial occasions to tell them where to stand and 
what to do. Thence grew up the secondary use of the term as de- 
scriptive of the ceremonies themselves. Therefore the slang phrase 
of approbation "that's the ticket" is etymologically correct. 

The subject of the origin and history of customs is an immense 
one. Even its division of ceremonial institutions is far too large 
for the present limits. The writer essayed an initiative to it in 
"Manners and Meals** (American Anthropologist, Vol. I, 
No. 3). The single group now selected as an example fe that of 
verbal forms of salutation (those by gesture and posture to be 
hereafter presented), with such other ceremonial forms as are ex- 
planatory of or intimately connected with such salutations. In 
this the text-books will not be copied ; indeed, some of the views 
presented are at variance with those of received authorities. In par- 
ticular they dissent, though meekly, from some details in the work 
of that great writer and thinker, Herbert Spencer. No one can over 
prize his comprehensive grasp of intellect, his lucidity of style, and 
his wealth of illustration, but more especially the inspiring and far- 
reaching suggestiveness by which he has awakened and 'guided 
modern thought. Yet he is more beneficent as an educator of the 
mind than as an instructor ii^ facts. In particular, his most admir- 
ing student must lament the Zoroastrian phantasy or dual antagonism 
of good and evil that mystifies his Principles of Sociology. To him 
militancy is Ahriman anil industrialism is Ormuzd, and their con- 
flict is forced to explain all the myriad problems of human life. 
But the known causes and effects are too numerous and diverse to 
be disposed of by one universal solvent. The complex knots must 
be patiently untied, and cannot be severed by the rusty sword of a 
vamped and varnished Parsee dualism. Nor does history confirm 
this prosopopoeia of good and evil. Industrialism began very early, 
and is now in a high state of development among the most cultured 
nations; yet it exhibits within itself strife and turmoil, selfishness 
and cruelty, equal to all the similar crimes ever charged against mili- 
tancy. The latter has by no means passed away, though the human 
race has surely advanced. In fact, an evolutionary advance is mani- 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OF COUKTESY. 205 

fest in militancy itself parallel with that seen in other lines of thought 
and action. Militancy, therefore, is not the cacodemon by whose 
overthrow alone the world has grown better. 

The verbal forms of salutation may be divided into — i, those of 
a purely religious character ; 2, those equivalent to a prayer for the 
health and temporal good of the person saluted ; 3, those simply 
wishing health and prosperity without direct invocation of a deity ; 
and, 4, those expressing personal or official affection or respect. 

1. The Israelites, both in meeting and parting, used a word 
meaning "blessing,** and the person addressed was thereby com- 
mended to God. The expressions " Blessed be thou of the Lord ! ** 
and **The Lord be with thee ! *' are traditional. 

The Arabian often says, " God grant thee his favours ! ** also 
** Thank^God ! how are you? ** and the Turk, ** My prayers are for 
thee ** or ** Forget me not in thy prayers.** In Poland a visitor to 
a house will cry out, " The Lord be praised ! ** to which the hostess 
will answer, ** World without end. Amen ! *' The ** sweet girl gradu- 
ates** of conventual schools in this country involuntarily answer 
a knock at their doors by the word ** toujours ** instead of ** come 
in ! ** through the habit formed when the sister at the convent dor- 
mitory door used a formula in praise of the Virgin Mary, to which 
the obligatory response was "forever!** Very lately a similar 
custom prevailed throughout Spain by which the visitor ejaculated 
"Maria purissima!'* the reply being "sin pecado concebida!** 
On other occasions the Spaniards say, " Vaya con Dios ! ** — " Go 
with God ! *' In the Tyrol people exchange the formula " Praised 
be Jesus Christ ! '* and the Neapolitans that of " Increase in holi- 
ness ! *' 

2. The forms of greeting that pray for the health and well-being- of 
the friend addressed are distributed generally. Indeed, our term 
"salutation** is derived from the Latin saiuSy and simular etymol. 
ogies are found in other languages. The Ottoman cries, " Be under 
the guard of God ! *' In Arabia on the first meeting of the day the 
proper phrase is " May God strengthen your morning ! ** or " May 
your morning be good ! ** The Persian begins his polite address 
with "I make prayers for thy greatness.'* The return to a saluta- 
tion in the Orient is sometimes not only religious but non-com- 
mittal. If an Arab is directly asked about his health he responds 
" Praise be to God ! ** leaving his condition to be inferred from the 
modulation of his voice. If the form of the query is " Is it well with 



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206 THIfi AMKRICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

thee? *' the answer is " God bless and preserve thee ! " The Zufii 
exchange the prayer ** May the light of the gods rest with thee ! " 

Neither the English '*good bye'* or the French ** adieu" need 
l)e explained, but an example within the writer's observation may 
be offered to show how meaningless words of ceremony originally 
significant may become, and how easily they may be adopted. 
The Micmacs two centuries ago picked up among a few French 
expressions that of ''Adieu '* as the proper word in friendly parting, 
and now commonly use it with the idea that it belongs to their 
own language. When questioned as to when they got it from the 
French, one of the chiefs haughtily exclaimed, "We did not get it from 
the French ; they got it from us ! * ' It may be noted that the French 
have in **au revoir" an alternative and less religious form used in 
parting, and other nations have similar expressions. The Cingalese 
bluntly say, '* I will go and come.*' 

3. The general wish for health and prosperity, of which the 
English ** farewell'* as distinguished from "good bye** is an ex- 
ample, is often only implied in the query showing interest as to the 
present possession of those blessings. The Arabs reiterate the query 
" How are you? ** for some minutes, and, when well brought up, after- 
wards interrupt the subject of the conversation by again interjecting 
" How are you? *' many times. Our *' how d*you do? *' has almost lost 
significance, as it is seldom noticed except by reciprocation ; no one 
supposing it to be a dond fide request for information. Many other 
salutations abroad as well as at home — e,g,^ "Good morning,** "Hot 
day,*' " Cold day,** or other meteorologic comments — are now mere 
watchwords or countersigns to indicate that the parties meeting are on 
good terms. Indeed, the origin of many old forms is the distinct 
declaration of peace, which was practically useful in the turbulent 
days when an enemy was more frequently met than a friend. This 
" passing the time of day ** is now common at the occasional meet- 
ing of good-natured persons, by which the inane words form the 
friendly recognition of one of the same race. In Fiji the time of 
day regulates the terms of greeting. The inferior, before beginning 
his salute to the superior, always looks up at the sun and uses the 
phrase appropriate to its height. 

The Chinese sojourners in Utah fell into a curious blunder in 
using some of our phrases. On meeting a resident at any time of 
day or night they called out " Good morning ! *' and on parting, 
"Good night!** even if it was before breakfast. A similar 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OP COURTESY. 207 

error in imitation was made by the Zufii. When the officers 
from Fort Wingate visited the Pueblo they were naturally anx- 
ious to reach the trader's store, so they called out to the first 
person met, **How are you? Where's the store?'* The Zufii 
caught up all the sounds as one greeting and in the kindness of 
their hearts shouted them to all subsequent visitors. The salutation 
** How-are-you — give-me-a-match " has a like explanation. 

Moslems, while scrupulously saluting the meanest of their own 
communion, refuse all friendly greetings to the Jews. If inadvert- 
ently they have accosted one of that people with ** Peace be unto 
you," or the like, they will hastily add ** Death to you ! " to which 
the Jew may respond, pretending to have heard only the beginning, 
by "The same to you ! " in a spirit somewhat different from that 
in which the same words are used by us in answer to ** Many happy 
returns ! " on birth-day and other anniversaries. It may be men- 
tioned that where the Jews are in power they give no salute what- 
ever to one of the Goim, but scowl at him. 

The North American Indians do not have many conventional 
forms of salutation. Their etiquette generally is to meet in silence 
and smoke before speaking, the smoking being the real salutation. 
But a number of tribes — e. g., the Shoshoni, Caddo, and Arikara — 
use a word or sound very similar to How ! but in proper literation 
Hau or Hao. Most of the Sioux use the same sound in communi- 
cation with the whites, from which the error has arisen that they 
have caught up and abbreviated the ** How are you? " of the latter. 
But the word is ancient, used in councils, and means "good," 
or "satisfactory." It is a response as well as an address or saluta- 
tion. The Navajo say, both at meeting and parting, "Agalani," an 
archaic word the etymology of which is not yet ascertained. Among 
the Cheroki the colloquy is as follows : No. i says, "siy6," good ; 
No. 2 responds, " siyu ; tdhigwatsO? " good ; are you in peace ? To 
this No. I says, " I am in p)eace, and how is it with you ? " No. 2 ends 
by " I am in peace also." Among the Zufii happiness is always as- 
serted as well as implored. In the morning their greeting is " How 
have you passed the night? " in the evening, " How have you come 
unto the sunset ? * ' The reply always is * ' Happily. * ' After a separ- 
ation of even short duration, if more than one day, the question is 
asked, "How have you passed these many days ? " The reply is 
invariably, "Happily," although the person addressed maybe in 
severe suffering or dying. In quaint contrast with this Zufii custom 
is that of the Japanese, where the party visited asserts the pros|)erity 



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208 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. 111. 

of the visitor. The host and hostess politely ejaculate " Ohayo 
gozarismasu ! " — ** You have come quickly ! " — which welcome is 
given even if the visitor has suffered delay and all kinds of mishaps. 
It is never contradicted. Perhaps our expression ** You have been 
long in coming," as indicating longing and waiting, is no more 
artificial. 

An interesting point in this connection is the objection of some 
peoples to being praised for flourishing health which is never ad- 
mitted. For instance, to the Cingalese the expression " you look 
weir* or " you have become stout ** is very annoying, the reason 
being that the notice of malign deities would be attracted to their 
fortunate condition upon which it would be destroyed. This illus- 
trates the old story of the jealous gods, and the pdwer of evil being 
the most important deity, and recalls many classic fables in several 
lands and languages, among others that of the ring of Polycrates. 

That this dread survives among some of the peasantry of Europe 
appears in their invariable refusal to respond that they are perfectly 
well, and a similar superstition has recently been reported from 
the mountains of North Carolina. The Chinese, in greeting, not 
only depreciate their own status, but exaggerate that of the party 
of the other part. The established ritual averages thus : **How is 
the excellent health enjoyed by your wealthy and accomplished 
highness, and that of the brilliant full moon his spouse, and of the 
strong lions his sons, and graceful gazelles his daughters?*' The 
obligatory response would be ; ** The ignorant beggar whom your 
benevolence deigns to notice is in his usual condition of dirt and 
disease, and the sow his wife and pigs his offspring starve in their 
old filthy sty.'* Perhaps the elegant expressions of response by 
cultured persons in absolute health, ** quite well, thank you,*' 
'* passably,'* ** about the same,** and the like, considered to be a 
polite avoidance of boasting, have their origin in high antiquity. 

Persons of general intelligence in the most civilized nations yet 
show relics of the dread of daimons when an epidemic prevails. 
It was lately noticeable here that the response about freedom from 
the grippe generally contained some qualification — ** haven't got it 
yet,** or the like. 

The wish of salute is often specific, connected with the circum- 
stances of environment. The people of Cairo anxiously ask, ** How 
do you perspire?** a dry skin being the symptom of the dreaded 
fever. In hot Persia the friendly wish is expressed ** May God cool 
your age ! *' — that is, give you comfort in declining years. In the 



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v , / 

-,. , .V, 

U • - -« ^ ^ - /^ 

July 1890.] CUSTOMS OP cou»i^4rrj '^ i^ J> '^ 209 

same lancj originates the quaint form " May your shadow never be 
less ! " which does not apply, as often now used in Europe, to the 
size and plumpness of the body as indicating robust health, but to 
deprecate exposure to the noon sun, when all shadows are least. 

The Genoese in their time of prosperity used the form ** health 
and gain ! '* In some of the Polynesian isles the prayer for cool- 
ness is carried into action, it being the highest politeness to fling a 
jar of water over a friend's head. According to Humboldt the 
morning salute on the Orinoco is ** How have the mosquitoes used 
you?*' The old religious views of the Persians are found in their 
wishes: "Live forever!" and (still retained in Spain, probably a 
direct legacy from the Moors), ** May you live a thousand years ! " 
They believed only in this life, and that through divine favor it 
might be unlimited. 

Some quaint theories have been presented with regard to the 
special phraseology of verbal salutation among several nations. It 
is contended that the Romans expressed their main interest con- 
cerning the vigor constituting the basis of a warlike nation by 
''quomodo vales?" literally, "how is your strength?" The French 
"comment vous portez-vous? " is supposed to be appropriate to a 
people attaching great value to agility and the manner in which the 
body is supported on its legs for immediate motion. The Italian 
" come sta ella? " may have reference to the posing dignity of the 
nation, while the German " wie befinden sie sich?" suggests the 
analytical and self-inspecting character of the Teutons. In the 
English "how do you do?" Krummacher, laying great emphasis 
on the word " do " as denoting action, distinguishes the energy of 
the people. 

4* The terms of affection in greeting are too numerous to be now 
recited. The following are mentioned as unhackneyed and of in- 
terest. Some Orientals say " Thou hast made me desolate by thine 
absence from me," and the ordinary form of greeting among the 
Zulus is simply " I see you and I am glad." 

The variant phrases of respect are also multitudinous. Perhaps 
the most distinct form in which the common and ancient expression 
of the East, " I am your slave," survives in Western Europe, is in 
the Piedmont district of Italy. The Spaniards, through the influence 
of Moors and Jews, have many relics of Orientalism. Its features 
become colloquial in the form Usted contracted from " Vuestra 
merced," your mercy, your grace, often appearing in the phrase " I 
kiss my hands to your grace " and " I kiss your grace's hands." 
27 



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210 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

But the forms of respect and subservience, more than those of affec- 
tion, have become establisheed into titles of honor and nobility ; 
therefore can be presented with some defined system not boundless 
as are the epithets poured from the ardent imaginings of friends and 
lovers. 

It is not, however, possible now to attack the grandiose division 
of human vanity to which Selden alone devoted one thousand printed 
folio pages. Perhaps the only civil title of ceremony, as distinct 
from official designation, legally existing in this country is that of 
Esquire, which has almost fallen into disuse, being chiefly employed 
by attomeys-at-law. But they have a right to it. An esquire was 
originally an attendant on a knight, but later in England the title 
was given to all officers of the crown, which included attorneys, 
who are officers of the courts. Hence the English jest of the last 
century that attorneys were only " gentlemen by act of Parliament.** 
Such acts, being in force in our colonial period, applied to attorneys 
here, also officers of court. 

Mister, corrupted from master, is but an abbreviation of magister, 
once corresponding with our term ** magistrate," another instance 
of a dignified title becoming meaningless through indiscriminate ap- 
plication. 

Sir, which has ceased to be a title in becoming the general form 
of address, has been generally derived directly from Sieur, the ab- 
breviation of Seigneur, implying the lordship of land so essential to 
the feudal system that the l^gal maxim ran, "point de terre sans 
seigneur ; * * but the derivation of sieur and sire was from the same root, 
originally signifying "senior** — i, <?., elder, with the synonym of 
father. The form "sire** anteceded that of "sieur,** and un- 
doubtedly the term of respect involving the concept of elder and 
father long preceded the ownership of land. Terms of rank and 
gradation founded on seniority and paternity are fundamental in 
the sociology of the North American Indians, prevailed among the 
founders of Rome, and, as terms of respectful address, are still com- 
mo*n in Asia and eastern Europe. Therefore when you address a 
man as * * sir* * you etymologically imply that he is your father. 

The subject of titles in the United States presents some amusing 
features. The constitution prohibits titles of nobility, and of course 
the people insist upon all other kinds of titles, thereby proving the ac- 
curacy of the Roman poet's oft-quoted lines about the futility of cast- 
ing out nature with a pitch-fork. Not only does a day's possession 
of any office baptize the possessor with a title for the remainder of 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OF COURTESY. 211 

his life, but often official or professional titles are bestowed from 
mere fancy ; so that Colonel, Judge, and Doctor only imply some 
peculiarity in figure, manner, or clothing. In this multiplicity and 
plethora it is ridiculous for men to confer titles upon themselves 
without authority, as some do. It is far more dignified and distin- 
guished not to bear or allow any. This is not on the principle, often 
too broadly asserted, that ** the post of honor is a private station,** but 
because all titles of honor and distinction have been degraded by mis- 
use — e. g.y that of Professor, now the perquisite of balloonists and 
jugglers. But there can be no argument with a superstition. The 
best treatment of the folly would be that advocated to settle the liquor 
question — by high license and strict inspection. Let every man take 
what title he may choose, but pay for the privilege. The result would 
be that the craving would diminish or the revenue increase from the 
taxation of a useless luxury— either of which is a desideratum. 

The special devices in grammar to mark grade of rank in address 
require too much detail for more than passing notice. In some 
languages obliquity and indirection are adopted ; for instance, the 
third person singular to address inferiors, the third person plural to 
superiors. The respect included in the idea of plurality, found also 
in sign language and pictographs, induced the general complimentary 
change from thou to you when but one person is addressed, though 
the expression has become so trite that its grammatical irregularity 
is not noticed. The regal first person plural was assumed by the 
Merovingian kings of France in formal decree and has since been 
continuously used by sovereigns and heads of government. Its 
adoption in the editorials of newspapers is perhaps in pretense of 
grandeur, but has some use because of its impersonality. 

The connection between oral and written address is close, from 
which there is a natural transition to the formal parts of letters ; but 
it is needless to dwell upon adjectives of affection and subservience 
used with the address and signature. There are, however, some 
interesting points connected with the disposition of the address and 
signatures without reference to the phraseology. It is now merely 
a matter of individual taste whether the name of the person ad- 
dressed shall precede the substance of a letter or follow that of the 
writer on the left hand, as is considered stylish by some social cor- 
respondents. But not long ago this was a point of supreme im- 
portance in social as it still continues to be in diplomatic corre- 
spondence. The name first appearing assumed the higher political 



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212 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

or social rank, and the relative position may pay a compliment or 
inflict an insult. It is also now supposed that the practice of occu- 
pying a line by the address and perhaps separating it by a vacant 
line from the body of the communication is a mere matter of con- 
venience, but the space in question was once the subject of elaborate 
regulation. A private person writing to royalty used the largest sheet 
of paper procurable, and only four written lines at the bottom of the 
first page could be used to commence the communication, the remain- 
der of the page being left blank after the formal title, which should 
be distributed through at least five lines. Six lines of the epistle to a 
prince might appear on the first page, and so on in graduation. 
Wars have been occasioned by the breach of this etiquette. The 
enmity between Cardinal Richelieu and the Duke of Buckingham 
arose because his haughty eminence addressed the Duke without 
leaving any space open after the title of Monsieur, which insult his 
grace returned, in the same paper-sparing manner. 

A graceful epistolary custom, in the line of salutation, is recorded 
by Madame de Genlis. It was a strict requirement among the 
French, who then made social laws for Europe, that all men, even 
the princes of the blood, should place the word ** respect** in letters 
written to any woman. The French still use in such letters the 
phrase " respectful homage.'* 

Some interest attaches to the mode of sending invitations to din- 
ner and other formal parties. The superstitious, or, at least, irra- 
tional, ceremony in this regard is the edict still prevailing, that the 
invitations should not be sent by mail but by private hand. It is 
certain that in the modern regulations of the post office in large 
cities transmission of any considerable number of notes by mail is 
much more certain and expeditious than if private messengers were 
employed. Yet it is regarded as a serious dereliction to utilize the 
agency of the government in such cases. An explanation is derived 
from the time when givers of entertainments were supposed to sup- 
port a large body of personal retainers whose main occupation was 
to convey commands to their subordinates and invitations to equals. 
Now very few persons employ servants in sufficient number to make 
delivery of many notes on the same day convenient The pretense 
of such retinue is, therefore, a survival of an earlier social con- 
dition, but the curious point is that by a conversion of ideas it is 
the recipient of invitations by mail who now considers his dig- 
nity to be thereby impugned. It may be noted that the Algonkins 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OF COURTESY. 213 

of the Ottawa before 1636 used to send out as dinner invitations 
specially cut pieces of wood about the size of the little finger. It 
was necessary to show these as tickets of admission to the feast. 

Use of visiting cards comes in the same category with invitations. 
The great inconvenience connected with personal visits of mere 
ceremony has rendered it customary to adopt the expedient of leav- 
ing cards, which are very seldom deposited by all the individuals 
whose names they bear, and not infrequently, all pretense of personal 
presentation being abandoned, they are sent by mail. This abbre- 
viated form of courtesy is of manifest advantage, and is in the di- 
rect line of evolution. It may be compared to that invention of 
the praying machine by the Buddhists, in which- printed formulas 
of supplication are expedited to their divine address with regulated 
degrees of fervency by the revolution of a wheel, thereby attaining 
every purpose with great economy of time. It is gratifying to learn 
that a late Minister Resident of the United States to a European 
capital came to the front boldly on the card question, and kept be- 
fore him a supply of his own visiting cards, a specimen of which 
he handed to each visitor as the interview ended, expressing the 
hope that as his excellency's time was so occupied the card might 
then and there be received as the equivalent of a personal return , 
call. 

All rules and details relating to addresses, titles, and ceremonial 
visits involve the assertion of and contention for precedence. These 
factors are of immemorial antiquity, being traceable to the prin- 
ciple of the struggle for existence and survival of the fittest, and 
have diminished with the decreased operation of that principle 
among men, not with the discontinuance of militancy. The extent 
of the surviving attention to precedence in England, as gathered 
from the mere literature on the subject, would be misleading.* In 
the heraldic catalogues there are eighty-nine distinct sets of men 
above the rank of a burgess, who have their specified places in pro- 
cessions and even at ceremonious dinner parties, but every-day life 
is little affected thereby, always, however, remembering Thackeray's 
dictum that an " Englishman does love a lord.** As regards cere- 
monies at dinner parties, the compliment of being served first has 
its disadvantages. Unless the guest thus distinguished exhibits 
greediness, the food placed before him will become either too cold 
or too warm before the others of the company can be ready. This 
is another case where the mean is golden. 



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214 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. HI. 

The most illustrative notes on precedence appear in diplomatic 
history. Once at the court of France the envoys of Genoa and 
Brandenburg, being unable to agree as to which should present him- 
self first to the king, stipulated that whichever first reached the 
palace on the day appointed should have the first audience. The 
prudent Prussian sought to make himself safe by sitting down on a 
bench in the hall of the palace all the night before; but the treach- 
erous Italian, arriving near the proper hour and seeing his adversary 
half asleep on the bench, slipped by into the royal bedroom. Prece- 
dence must be maintained for mere dignity, without any direct ob- 
ject ; so two ambassadors who met face to face on the bridge at 
Prague were obliged to stop there for the entire day because neither 
of them would disgrace his country by letting the other pass. 

Ambassadors sought to increase the importance of their em- 
ployers by fighting for their own. In 1661 the Spanish envoy at- 
tacked the carriage of the French ambassador in the streets of Lon- 
don, hamstrung his horses and killed his men ; then went on joyfully 
with the conviction that he had done his duty, and that his rival 
could not get to court before him. 

In cases of milder action it was usual to stipulate, by previous 
arrangement, for absolute and exact equality in every detail. This 
was the plan pursued when Mazarin and Don Louis de Haro met to 
settle the conditions of the marriage between Louis XIV. and Maria 
Theresa. The two ministers stepped together, with the right foot, 
side by side, into a council -chamber hung in corresponding halves 
with their respective colors, and sat down at the same instant pre- 
cisely opposite each other at a critically square table on two mathe- 
matically equivalent arm-chairs. 

The last connected chapter of Macaulay's History shows amusingly 
the waste of time and energy in which Kaunitz and Harlay watched 
one another's legs at the Congress of Ryswick lest a priority in muscu- 
lar action should jeopardize, as the mere watching delayed, the peace 
of two continents. One of the most stupidly arrogant assertions of 
precedence was made by Napoleon in 1808. The Almanach de 
Gotha had just been printed for that year with the regular alphabetical 
arrangement of the reigning houses, beginning with the Anhalt 
duchies, but the parvenu Emperor suppressed the edition and required 
the whole to be printed with his name on the first page. 

** Giving " or '* taking the wall *' in passing, so frequently alluded 
to in Shakespeare and other authors of his time as an indication of 



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July 1890.] CUSTOMS OP CX)UllTESY. 215 

rank, had tangible loss or advantage, as in the narrow and crowded 
street, destitute of sidewalks, proximity to the wall was safer and 
more convenient. But the same precedence on entering or leaving 
a room or passing through a door- way was contended for in vanity 
and pretension. A happy example of the modern politeness in 
which, both in form and fact, egotism has yielded to altruism is shown 
in the rivalry, now so frequent, when two men accidentally meet 
at a door or other passage, by which each presses the other to ad- 
vance, thus showing a survival in reverse of the old contention for 
precedence. 

Upon a general summary of the whole subject of salutation, it is 
obvious that it was once a serious tax upon time. Both in the Old 
and New Testament injunction was given, whenever expedition was 
required, '* to salute no man by the way." The minute, tedious, 
and verbose politeness of the East was an insuperable impediment 
to rapid travel, and this is still the case among peoples of low culture 
such as the Araucanians, whose formalities of meeting and greeting 
occupy at least a quarter of an hour. 

The utmost abbreviation of such forms appears among the most 
cultured of modern peoples and, through saving of time, is directly 
in the evolutionary line of utility; but it has still further significance. 
The phrases of ancient peoples and of existing savages and barbarians 
show intention to gain some definite Or indefinite advantage by the 
special act of salutation. They are generally limited to classes and in- 
dividuals, are sometimes with petition for or in declaration of peace, 
are made in personal placation or are the exchange of supplications to 
whatever deities or daimons may be credited with power. Cultured 
I)eople do not now regard these objects to be appropriately con- 
nected with salutations of courtesy. They now use a brief, nearly 
meaningless formula almost indiscriminately, so that it has no special 
relation to the persons saluting and saluted or to their respective 
status. It is the recognition by one human being of another and is 
the best mark of real culture, its absence characterizing the savage 
or the boor. Its spirit is found in Talfourd's lines. 

It is a little thing to speak a phrase 

Of common comfort, which by daily use 

Has almost lost its sense ; yet * * 'twill fall 

Like choicest music ♦ « * 

To him who else were lonely, that another 

Of the great family is near and feels. 



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216 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

But it is not a little thing that a simple, kind recognition from 
man to man, even if often perfunctory, should replace the terms of 
elaborate egoism and stupid superstition. It is a sign of the evolu- 
tion in which — 

Love took up the harp of Life and * * 

Smote the chord of Self, that, trembling, passed in music out of sight. 



Danish Investigations in Greenland, i 8 76-* 88. — In a late 
number of the Geografisk Tidskrift (the journal of the Geographical 
Society in Copenhagen), v. 10, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 86-94, Dr. Rink 
reviews the work done by the Danes in Greenland during this 
period, as shown by the contents of the '* Meddelelserom Gr0nland/* 
which irregular periodical has now reached its twelfth volume. 

He reviews the investigations under nine headings, namely : Gen- 
eral geography of the country ; formation of ice on land, glaciers ; 
hydrography ; surveying, astronomical observations ; meteorological 
and other physical observations ; geology and mineralogy ;. botany; 
zoology; ethnography and archaeology. Under the last heading 
he speaks a few well-deserved words of praise for Capt. Holm's ex- 
cellent report on the East Greenlanders, which forms vol. 10 of the 
"Meddelelser,'* and enumerates the following papers which have 
appeared in the series : 

Jensen: '* Ruiner fra Nordboernes Tid*' (v. i, p. 27). 

Steenstrup: "Gedigent Jaern i en eskimoisk grav (v. 4, p. 121) 

Steenstrup: '*0m eskimoiske grave'* (v. 5, pp. 21, 25, and 37) 

Holm : *' Almindelig beskrivelse of ruinerne i Julianehaabs dis 
trikt (Osterbygden),** with many plans and sketches (v. 6, art. 3) 

Jensen : ** Fjordene ved Holsteinborg efter aeldre Beretninger (v, 

8, p. 43)- 

Jensen : ** Ruinerne i Godthaabs Distrikt (Vesterbygden) (v. 8, 
p. 100). 

On pages 21, 249, and 254 of the same are miscellaneous notes 
by Hammer and Ryder on the Greenlanders and the former habita- 
tion of North Greenland. 

Stenstrup: "Om Osterbygden, de gamle Kursforskrifter og 
Kaart" (v. 9, art. i). 

Rink, H. : **The Eskimo Tribes" (in English) forming vol. 11 
of the series. John Murdoch. 



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July 1890.] A WEST VIRGINIA ROCK-SHELTER. 217 



A WEST VIRGINIA ROCK-SHELTER. 

BY W. H. HOLMES. 

Through the representations of Mr. G. F. Queen, Mr. L. V. 
McWhorter, of West Virginia, was induced to open a correspondence 
with the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology in regard to an interest- 
ing cave or rock-shelter located in Harrison county, that State. 
The walls of this cave were said to be covered with pictographs, and 
the probability of securing material of importance to archaeologic 
science seemed so great that I was instructed to visit the locality 
and make examinations. The journey was undertaken in Septem- 
ber, 1889. 

The geographical position of the site did not lead me to expect 
discoveries of unusual interest, as the region is remote from natural 
thoroughfares and separated by physical barriers from the favorite 
resorts of our ancient aborigines. A cave so situated could not be 
expected to contain evidences of long or extensive occupation, either 
by the mound-building nations of the west or by the tide-water tribes 
of the Atlantic coast. From a consideration of the conditions, I was 
led to expect precisely what, according to my own interpretation, 
was found — ^a medicine or prayer resort of the hunter tribes of 
comparatively recent times, probably of Algonkian or Iroquoian 
stock. The only surprise that awaited me was the discovery of such 
carefully elaborated and well preserved rock sculptures. 

Locality, — In the southern part of Harrison county a small stream, 
known as Two-Lick creek, heading near the Little Kanawha divide, 
descends into the West Fork of the Monongahela at a point about 
four miles west of Lost Creek Station, on the Clarksburg and Weston 
railroad. Ascending the stream for a little more than two miles and 
turning to the right up a tributary about two miles in length, called 
Campbell's Run, we soon found ourselves facing, on the west side, 
a deep amphitheatre-like ravine or hollow, nestled in the narrow 
bottom of which are two farm cottages — the lower belonging to Mrs. 
Queen and the upper to Mr. Lawson. On the sloping hillside a 
few hundred feet above the house of the latter occurs the slight out- 
crop of sandstone beneath which is the shelter. 
28 



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218 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Tlu Shelter, — A nearly horizontal stratum of massive carbonifer- 
ous sandstone, in places exposed to a thickness of twenty feet or 
more, outcrops at various points around the lower slopes of the 
valley. At the shelter, some fifty feet above the stream bed, it is ex- 
posed to the thickness of ten or twelve feet and for a horizontal dis- 
tance of perhaps thirty feet, with slight outcrops at the right and left. 
The slopes below and above are very steep, but are under cultivation 
nearly to the hill-tops, which are here 300 or 400 feet above the 
stream bed. 

The recess in the rocks is the result of local surface undermining 
of the outcrop of sandstone assisted by roof degradation, and hence 
is a typical rock-shelter. At the opening it is about twenty feet long 
•and in the deepest part extends back sixteen feet. The floor is 
nearly level, having recently been occupied by sheep, and a low, 
weed-covered ridge of debris, partly closing the chamber, extends 
along the outer edge beneath the eaves of the overhanging ledge. 
The opening is about four feet in height toward the left, but is much 
lower at the right. The uneven face of the shelving rock is from 
two to five feet thick, and the exposed upper surface is in places per- 
haps ten feet in width with the slope. 

The roof of the shelter i^ unevenly arched and to the right of the 
center reaches a height of nearly six feet ; toward the rear it curves 
downward into the concave back wall upon which the figures are 
engraved. The rock floor descends rapidly from the back wall and 
soon passes beneath the accumulated debris. 

Petroglyphs. — ^The rock sculptures, of which simplified outlines 
are given in Fig. i, occupy the greater part of the back wall of the 
recess, covering a space some twenty feet long by about four feet in 
height. At the left the line of figures approaches the outer face of the 
rock, but at the right it terminates in the depths of the chamber, be- 
yond which the space is too low and uneven to be utilized. There 
are indications that engravings have existed above and below those 
shown in the sketch, but by exfoliation and falling of the roof and 
by disintegration and wear near the floor, traces of these are too in- 
distinct to be followed. 

• If the animal figures, of which the picture is for the most part 
made up, represent the deities of those who engraved them — and 
this is the only tenable theory of their origin and executioh — it is 
probable that one or more, pertaining to the upper regions, would 



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July 1890.] A WEST VIRGINIA ROCK-SHBLTER. 219 

occupy the higher parts of the wall or the rpof space overhead, and 
that one or more, belonging to the lower regions, would occur on 
the lower part of the available space. Be this as it may, it is prob- 
able that the figures now seen comprise the most important part* of 
the original work. 

The more legible designs comprise three heads, resembling death's 
heads, one human head or face, one obscure human figure, three 
birds resembling cranes or turkeys (one with outspread wings), three 
mountain lions or beasts of like character, two rattlesnakes, one 
turtle, one turtle-like figure with bird's head, parts of several un- 
identified creatures (one resembling a fish), and four conventional 
figures or devices resembling— one a hand, one a star, one the track 
of a horse, and the fourth the track of an elk, buffalo, deer, or 
domestic cow. 

The serpents, placed above and toward the right of the picture, 
are much larger than life, but the other subjects are represented 
somewhat nearly natural size. The animal figure facing the two 
death's heads is drawn with considerable vigor and very decidedly 
suggests the panther. A notable feature is the two back-curving 
spines or spine-like tufts seen upon its shoulder; it is possible that 
these represent some mythical character of the creature. Two of 
the animal figures, in accordance with a wide-spread Indian practice, 
exhibit the heart and the life line, the latter connecting the heart 
with the mouth ; these features are, as usual, drawn in red. 

The human head or face is somewhat larger than life ; it is neatly 
hollowed out to the nearly uniform depth of one-fourth of an inch, 
and is slightly polished over most of the surface. Ear lobes are 
seen at the right and left, and an arched line, possibly intended for 
a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A crescent-shaped 
band of red extends across the face, and within this the eyes are 
indistinctly marked. The mouth is encircled by a dark line and 
shows six teeth, the spaces between being filled in with red. 

Probably the most remarkable members of the series are the three 
death's heads seen near the middle of the line. That they are in- 
tended to represent skulls and not the living face or head is clear, 
and the treatment is decidedly suggestive of that exhibited in simi- 
lar work of the more cultured southern nations. The eye spaces 
are large and deep, the cheek-bones project, the nose is depressed, 
and the mouth is a mere node depressed in the center. 



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220 



THB AMBBICAN ANTHROPOLOQIST. 



[Vol. III. 



V 



'A.-r^ 



I 




. Exterior figures, — ^A few figures appear 
upon the exterior face and upper surface of 
the overhanging rock, and it is quite possi- 
ble that others still have been obliterated by 
weathering. There are now but two suffi- 
ciently distinct to be made out; both are hu- 
man'figures. The one on the right represents 
a personage life size, with arms and legs ex- 
tended to the right and left. The work is 
identical in character with that upon the in- 
terior of the chamber. The other figure, on 
the face of the rock above the left-hand side 
of the opening, is smaller and is about one- 
half obliterated. 

Execution. — All the figures are clearly and 
deeply engraved and all save the serpents are 
in full intaglio, being excavated over the en- 
tire space within the outlines and to the 
depth of from one-eighth to one-fourth of 
an inch. The serpents are outlined in deep 
unsteady lines, ranging from one-fourth of an 
inch to one inch in width, and in parts are 
as much as one-half an inch in depth. The 
example at the left is rather carefully ex- 
ecuted, but the other is very rude. I have 
omitted from the drawing a wing-like feature 
which forms a partial arch over the larger 
serpent. It consists of a broad line of ir- 
regular pick-marks which are rather new- 
looking and may not have formed a part of 
the original design ; aside from this, there 
are few indications of the use of hard or 
sharp tools, and, although picking or strik- 
ing must have been resorted to in excavating 
the figures, the lines and surfaces were evi- 
dently finished by rubbing. The friable 
character of the course soft sandstone makes 
excavation by rubbing quite easy, and at the 
same time renders it impossible to produce 
any considerable degree of polish. The rude 



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July 1890.] A WEST VIRGINIA ROCK-SHKLTER. 221 

rounded stones obtained from the floor deposits of the shelter were 
undoubtedly employed in this work. The largest of these resemble 
ordinary hammer stones in size and shape. In several cases they 
have small pits in the sides, making it possible to grasp them firmly 
for striking. They were made from material indigenous to the lo- 
cality — di rather soft coarse sandstone, like that of the stratum form- 
ing the shelter. The salient edges are rounded by use. 

The red color used upon the large face and in delineating the life 
line and heart of the animal figures is a red ochre or hematite, bits 
of which, exhibiting the effects of rubbing, were found in the floor 
deposits of the recess. The exact manner of its application is not 
known — perhaps the mere rubbing was sufficient — but the color is 
so fixed that it cannot be removed save by the removal of the rock 
surface. There are indications that this color was employed in 
many parts of the work, now much changed by the ravages of time. 

Excavations and Relics, — ^The mouth of the shelter was partially 
closed by a ridge of debris fallen from above. Inside of this the floor 
space, some twenty feet long by fourteen deep, was level, save for the 
presence of small masses of rock detached from the roof. In order 
to disclose the character of the contents of the ridge «f debris, it 
was trenched transversely, beginning at the exterior base. The ex- 
cavation was also carried across the floor of the shelter. Evidences 
of occupation by men and animals were confined exclusively to a 
thin surface deposit of dark earth, which contains ashes, bones, 
charcoal, and numerous small articles of artificial orgin. The ex- 
terior ridge, as well as the substrata of the floor, were composed of 
half-disintegrated masses of sandstone that had fallen from above. 
The deposits containing artificial relics were in no place over a foot 
in depth and varied in thickness, as a result of the pneven surface 
upon which they were laid down. I expected to find near the center 
of the recess evidence of a fire-place, and a bed of ashes was found 
to the right of the middle point, under the apex of the roof. This 
bed of wood ashes, quite pure and but slightly compacted, rested 
upon the undisturbed rock floor and was from two to three feet in 
horizontal extent and in the central part about six inches deep. A 
row of flat stones had been laid along the lower side of the fire-place. 
The deposit of dark soil covered the ashes to the depth of a few 
inches. Scattered sparingly through the ashes and more plentifully 
through the surrounding earth were bits of bone, flint, and earth- 
enware, with arrow-points, hammer or rubbing stones, and unio 



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222 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOIX)GIST. [Vol. III. 

shells. There was no well-defined stratification and no indica- 
tions whatever of separate periods of occupation. 

Pottery, — ^That the shelter was not a place of general or frequent 
resort or one at all employed for domestic purpose is sufficiently at- 
tested by the scarcity of remains of culinary articles. The earthen- 
ware recovered consists of about a dozen small fragments of 
pottery, found for the most part near the surface. The largest piece, 
obtained at a depth of six inches, is two inches in length and one. 
half an inch thick. The other fragments are not so thick, and do 
not average three-fourths of an inch in length. The material is 
clay, with a large percentage of tempering ingredients. A few pieces, 
including the large specimen mentioned above, are tempered with 
sand and bits of broken rock and break with an extremely jagged 
fracture ; the others contain an excessive quantity of pulverized shell. 
The vessels represented, probably three or four in number, have ap- 
parently been rude, wide-mouthed pots. The surfaces are uneven 
and the exterior is finished in most cases with textile imprints, such 
as result from striking the soft clay with cord-coyered paddles. This 
ware corresponds closely with the rude forms of aboriginal work 
found both east and west of the Appalachian highland. 

Arrow Points^ etc, — A few arrow-points of flint and quartz, and of 
usual shapes, were found distributed throughout the floor deposits. 
A number of small flakes of flint and bits of rock brought in by the 
occupants were noticed. 

Red Hem^itite Paint Stones, — Taken in connection with the oc- 
currence of red pigment in the wall sculptures, the finding of 
;iumerous small bits of red chalk or hematite are interesting. Some 
of the pieces, none of which are over an inch in greatest dimension, 
show artificially polished surfaces, the result, no doubt, of use in 
coloring the pictures. 

Hammer and Rubbing Stones, — In looking for traces of the tools 
with which the engravings were made, nothing was found save the 
rude fragments of partially rounded, and in some cases pitted, sand- 
stone previously mentioned. They occurred throughout the arti- 
ficial deposits of the cave. Owing to the loosely compacted texture 
of the walls of the recess, these tools were probably fairly well fitted 
for the work of reducing the broader surfaces of the designs. In 
incising the narrower lines and indentations sharper and harder 
implements must have been employed. 

Bone and Shell. — Scattered throughout the soil and* ashes were 
numerous small fragments of the bones of birds and small quadru- 



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July 1890.] A WB8T VIRGINIA ROCK-SHELTER. 223 

peds. One piece showed evidence of artificial modification ; this 
was a spatula-like bit of rib, from one-half to three-fourths of an 
inch in width and some four inches long, which had been smoothed 
on the concave side and sharpened at the edges. Valves of unio 
shells were found in considerable numbers. They are apparently of 
the species found in the neighboring streams. 

Tribes Concerned. — The distinctive characteristics of the picto- 
graphic work left by our historic tribes are not sufficiently well 
known to be of use in this case in identifying the people concerned 
in the execution of these figures, but numerous analogies with 
Algonkian work are apparent. That the work is comparatively recent 
is evident from its fresh appearance, the condition and contents 
of the shelter floor, and the correspondence of the art relics with 
those of well-known historic peoples. 

Conclusion. — Inquiry into the origin and purpose of these sculptures 
may be made. The first thought of the inquirer naturally is, that 
here is a primitive record that may possibly be read. This view is 
supported by the fact that a large body of similar work found 
throughout the country is intended to record statements or ideas. 
In this case, however, I incline to the view that there is nothing 
recorded to be read, that the figures were intended for no practical 
purpose, but owe their existence to the demands of superstition. It is 
reasonable to suppose that inscriptions designed to be read would 
be so placed as to meet the eye of others than those who made them. 
These works are hidden in a mountain cave, and even now, when 
the forest is cleared away and the surrounding slopes are under 
cultivation, this secluded recess is invisible from almost every side.. 
The spot was evidently the resort of a chosen few. Such sequestered 
art has and always had a mystic office, and is ordinarily the work 
of the god-consulting anchorite or priest who hides away from the 
world to pray, to consult oracles, and to acquire prophetic powers. 
I infer that we have here, realized to the eye by sculpture and paint- 
ing, the gods of the hunter priesthood, that the humble rock-shelter 
is an incipient pantheon of which the sculpture-enriched temples of 
Greece are the perfected type and the monotheistic cathedrals of 
to-day the most highly developed representatives. 

Although many of our aboriginal races are known to have devoted 
much time and care to the delineation of personal and clan totems, 
it seems to me that no other than the deep and lasting motives cqu- 
nected directly with religion would be equal to the production of 
such elaborate and otherwise useless works. 



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224 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Recent Work in the Quarry Workshops of the District 
OF Columbia. — Excavation on the site of the stone implement work- 
shops on Piny Branch was resumed as soon as the weather per- 
mitted this spring. Up to date five new trenches have been opened 
acrosss, or partly across, the old quarries in the plateau face. No 
new varieties of implements or worked stones have been found, but 
much has been learned in regard to the character and extent of the 
ancient quarrying, and additional light has been thrown upon the 
processes of manufacture. 

One quarry face, encountered in the first trench dug, was ten feet 
in height, and when deserted by the ancient workmen must have 
presented a vertical or overhanging face at least twenty feet high. 

In many places there are evidences of undermining, and the fact 
is developed that the operations of the ancient miners were rendered 
comparatively easy by their method of procedure. With ordinary 
stakes of wood burned to a blunt point it was not difficult to remove 
the disintegrated gneiss upon which the compact bowlder bed 
rested, and then it was a comparatively easy matter to loosen and 
knock down the bowlders. The stone implements were not shaped 
in the pits. The bowlders were tested for texture and homogeneity 
by knocking of a flake or two, and if the result was satisfactory they 
were thrown to the surface to be roughed out and trimmed upon 
convenient spots around the margins of the pits or on level areas 
about the edge of the promontory. 

The magnitude of the work is truly marvelous and exceeds the 
estimates made last fall. 

Little evidence of a definite nature bearing upon the question of 
age has been secured. A hundred or a thousand years may have 
passed since the discontinuance of work upon this site. The ancient 
pits, dug in compaiatively loose material, may have filled up in a 
few years, but no one can say that ages have not been consumed in 
reducing the art-bearing gravels of the slopes to their present con- 
dition. As previously shown, these gravels tell no story of time; 
they have been deposited uniformly throughout a period extending 
back from the present to a remote but undefined past. River 
gravels representing progressive erosion are not found in the 
Potomac valley, and as a consequence questions of age must be 
settled elsewhere. In the Delaware valley all the necessary ele- 
ments of a time record exist, and there the record has been at least 
partly read. Rudely shaped tools have been found in gravels 



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July 1890.] QUARRY WORKSHOPS. 225 

dating back to, or nearly to, the glacial epoch. If these objects were 
buried in the gravels is the latter were laid down and are not upon 
the sites of more recent quarrying in these gravels, their great an- 
tiquity is clearly proved. It remains now to develop this point in 
the fullest manner, and then, if the interpretations of Doctor Abbott 
are shown to be correct, it will be necessary to seek the quarries and 
workshops that must exist somewhere in the valley above Trenton. 
If these are found and exhibit phenomena corresponding closely 
with those observed in the valley of the Potomac, a strong presump- 
tion will be created that the conditions are uniform in the two val- 
leys, that the gravels presumed to exist here beneath tide-water 
contain the relics of prehistoric stone art, as surmised by Professor 
McGee, and that the work is very ancient. 

No matter, however, how strong such a presumption may be, it 
cannot without additional verification amount to a demonstration. 
Similar work may have been done by different peoples and in widely 
separated periods of time. We know that there were populous fishing 
communities in the valley of the Potomac not 300 years ago, and 
that fishing was carried on by means of spears. The probabilities 
are that stone points were used for these spears. The general 
use of such points implies extensive manufacture and extensive 
quarrying of the material employed, and the existence of the great 
quarry-shop sites recently examined may thus be sufficiently ex- 
plained without resort to the theory of a paleolithic man. 

Operations on the Piny Branch site are nearly concluded, and 
another site on the west side of Rock creek near the new Observa- 
tory will next receive attention. 

W. H. Holmes. 



Ethnology of West Africa. — Captain L.-G. Dinger's com- 
munication entitled " Du Niger au Golfe de Guin^e par Kong" to 
the Soci^t^ de Geographic, of Paris, published in its Bulletin for 
the third trimestre, 1889, gives a list of the tribes and linguistic 
families found by him in that heretofore unexplored region. His 
primary division is into seven ethnic families. Their names and 
those of their subdivisions are as follows, the French literation 
being retained : 

ist. The Mand6 family (Mandingue, Bambara-Malink6, etc.), 
which stocks with inhabitants the states of Samory, of Kong, parts 
29 • 



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226 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

of Ouorodougou, of Kouroudougou, of Diammara, of Goudjd, and 
which has its colonies nearly all over the district. This is eminently 
the encroaching race. 

2d. The Siene-r6 or Si6nou-fo group, which constitutes the popu- 
lation of the states of Ti6ba, Pegu6, Follona, Djimini, and a part 
of Ouorodougou. 

3d. The Gouroun-ga group, which inhabits Gourounsi and a part 
of Boussang-si. 

4th. The Mo group, which inhabits Mossi and which seems to 
have relationship with the Bimba (gourma) group. « 

Sth. The Haoussa-dogomba-mampourga group. 

6th. The Peul family, which is situated north of the regions which 
Captain Binger visited, towards Djenn^ and Macina. Only a few 
colonies from there have succeeded in establishing themselves in the 
zone visited, and have not descended south of the eleventh degree 
of latitude. 

Besides these seven great families, other peoples were met and 
less completely studied, which will be treated of more at length in 
a future work. Their names are as follows : 

Tagoua, Samokho, Tourouga, Tousia, Mboin Ker^boro, Pallaga, 
Tago-Komono-Dokhosi6, Ti^fo, Bobofing, Bobo-Oul6, Bobo-Dioula, 
L^na, Dafina, M6n6gu6, Sommo, Kipirsi, Nonouma, Oul6, Dagari, 
Dagabakha, Bougouri, Lobi, Gine, Diane, Lakhama, Lima, Youlsi, 
Tiensi, Nokhoriss6, Tiansi, Mampourga, Dagomba, Goudja, Achanti, 
Ligouy-Diammoura, Ton, Pakhalla, Agni, Fallafalla, Kippirri, 
Kourou, etc., etc. 

To this list the people of the lagune of Grand-Bassam must be 
added. An ethnographic map is furnished with the communication. 

There are altogether more than sixty peoples among whom ties of 
relationship are apparent, but who speak a number of different lan- 
guages and dialects. Fortunately the Mand6 and the Haoussa are 
eminently commercial and are to be found throughout the dis- 
trict, so that with some knowledge of their languages and of Arabic 
travelling is possible. 

Garrick Mallery. 



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July 1890] A ZUSi FOOT-RACB. 227 



A ZUNI FOOT-RACE. 

^ BY F. WEBB HODGE. 

When the Sun Priest announces the arrival of planting time* and 
the herald proclaims from the house-tops that the gjanting has been 
done, the seasons for foot-racing in Zufii are at hand. 

The first races of the year, while interesting ceremonially, are by 
no means so exciting as those which follow later in the season when 
the planting is finished. These preliminary races are over a short 
course and are participated in by a representative of each of the 
six estufas. Six prayer-plumes and an equal number of race-sticks 
are made by the Priests of the Bow, the latter of which are placed 
in the trail about two miles from the starting point. When the time 
for the race has been decided upon, which may not be until three 
or four days after the race-sticks have been deposited by the 
priests, the six representatives of the estufas run to the point where 
they are, and each man finds and kicks one of the sticks in a small 
circle homeward. This race is a contest between the six individuak 
comprising the racing party, and no betting is engaged in. 

The great races of Zufii, and those in which the chief interest is 
centered, occur after the planting — the time when nearly all the 
men are at leisure. In selecting the participants in these races, the 
swiftest-footed of the young men of the northern half of the pueblo 
are matched against those of the southern, or of the western half 
against the eastern. The number of racers on a side varies from 
three to six, and the degree of interest taken in the contest depends 
upon the reputation of those engaged in it, and particularly upon 
the extent to which betting has been indulged in. 

As soon as the choice of sides has been made, the wagering begins, 
and increases with good-natured earnestness until the time for the 
foot-race arrives. Every available hide and pelt is brought to light 
from beneath the piles of stores secreted in the back rooms and cel- 
lars, to be converted into cash or gorgeously colored calico, and the 
demand upon the trader for goods is unequaled except when a great 
dance is approaching. Money, silver belts, bracelets and rings, 
shell necklaces, turquoises, horses, sheep, blankets, in fact anything 



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228 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

and everything of value to the Indian, are offered by a resident of one 
side of the pueblo in support of his favorites against something of 
equal value held by a champion of the opposing side. 

On the evening of the day before a long race takes place, the 
participants repair to a secluded spot in one of the mesas some 
miles from the village, where a hole a foot or two in depth is exca- 
vated, in which is deposited, with due ceremony, a quantity of sacred 
meal and two cigarettes made of native tobacco (ah-na-tS) rolled 
in the husk of corn. When this portion of the ceremony has been 
concluded and the hole filled, the Indians move away for a short 
distance and sit for a while without speaking above a whisper, when 
they start for the pueblo. On their way should a roosting bird be- 
come frightened and take flight, or the hoot of an owl be heard, 
the sign is a warning to defer the race. But if lightning be seen 
or a shooting-star observed, the omen is considered a favorable one 
and the race takes place on the day following. 

The racers are greeted on their return by a priest who offers a 
blessing. A single cigarette is made and passed around among the 
number, after which one of them recites a prayer. The preparatory 
ceremonies being now completed, the racers retire into the house of 
the priest, who extends his hospitality until after the event. 

The following morning, the day of the race, the runners arise 
even earlier than usual, take a short run, and return to await the 
time appointed to start. In the meanwhile they make bets with one 
another or with any one who may happen in. About an hour before 
starting they partake sparingly of paper-bread (jU-we) soaked in 
water, after which they doff their every -day apparel and substitute 
breech-cloths, the color of which is either entirely white or red, 
dependent upon the side to which the wearer belongs. To prevent 
the hair being an impediment to progress, it is carefully and com- 
pactly arranged above the forehead in a knot by one of the Priests 
of the Bow. To this knot or coil an arrow-point is invariably 
attached as a symbol of flight, or perhaps as a charm to insure to 
the runner the swiftness of the arrow. The arrow-points having 
been thus placed, the same priest, holding in each hand a turkey- 
quill, pronounces a blessing and leads his charges to the starting 
point. 

Without, the excitement is intense. The women discuss with 
one another the probable outcome, and engage in betting as 
spiritedly as the men. Here may be seen a fellow who has wagered 



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July 1890.] A ZuSi FOOT-RACE. 229 

all he possesses — if he wins, so much the better, and if all is lost he 
takes the consequences philosophically and trusts success will visit 
him next time. Another may be seen who has ventured all his own 
property as well as that of his wife, and if he faik to win a divorce 
is imminent. The small boys also are jubilant. When the race was 
first proposed they sought their companions, selected sides, and 
staked their small possessions on the results of their own races with 
a zeal that would have become their fathers. 

The articles that are to change hands at the close of the race are 
placed in a heap in the center of the large dance-court near the old 
Spanish church. Around this pile of valuables a crowd gathers, on 
horse-back or afoot, to take advantage of the few moments that re- 
main in which to make their final wagers. As the runners emerge 
from the house under the leadership of the priest, they are followed 
by the excited crowd to the smooth ground on the opposite side of 
the river, from whence they usually start. 

A Zufii foot-race is not entirely a contest of swift-footedness, al- 
though much, of course, depends upon that accomplishment. In 
preparing for the start the members of one side arrange themselves 
several paces apart in an irregular line in the course to be pursued 
in such a manner that the movements of their leader at the point of 
starting can be readily seen, those of the contesting party posting 
themselves in a similar line a few feet away. The leader of each 
side places across his foot at the base of the toes a rounded stick 
measured by the size of the middle finger. Just before the signal is 
given to proceed a mounted priest goes ahead sprinkling the trail 
with sacred meal. 

At the signal each of the two leaders kicks his stick as far in ad- 
vance as possible, when the racer of his side who happens to be 
nearest its place of falling immediately rushes for and again kicks 
it, his companions running ahead in order to be in readiness to send 
the stick on its further flight. This operation is continued through- 
out the entire course, the racers in the rear each time running in 
advance as rapidly as possible that they may kick the stick as often 
as their companions. 

Not infrequently the first kicking of the sticks sends them 
flying over the heads of the second and even the third racers 
in advance, and they fall near each other. The excitement at this 
occurrence is very great, for none of the dozen young men spare 
themselves in scrambling over and pushing one another in order to 
secure the stick and send it on its course. No difficulty is experi- 



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230 ' THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

enced by a racer in recognizing the stick of his party, that belong- 
ing to one side having a band of red paint around the center, the 
other an additional though narrower stripe around both ends. 

Considering the extreme lightness of the race-stick, the distance 
which it is sent by a single kick, or rather toss, with the toes is 
remarkable. Very often a stick is raised aloft in this manner about 
thirty feet and falls at least a hundred feet from the point at which 
it was lifted. Nor is the distance which the stick is sent the only 
requisite of success. Sometimes a narrow, sandy trail bordered 
by weeds is to be traversed, and a careless kick will probably send 
the stick into the brush or into an arroya, where great difficulty 
may be experienced in regaining it, since a racer is never allowed 
to touch a stick with his hands until he reaches the goal. Again, 
throughout the rough race-trail the character of the land surface 
varies greatly, and long stretches of deep sand alternate with rocky 
passes, arroyas, and hills clothed with scrub timber or sage-brush. 
Indeed, smooth grouild is seldom met with over the entire course of 
twenty-five miles. 

Accompanying the participants may always be seen two or 
three hundred equestrians — those who, more than any others, 
are interested in the outcome of the race by reason of the extent 
of their prospective gains or losses. When one side follows 
closely in the track of its opponent the horsemen all ride to- 
gether, but when, by reason of accident or inferiority in speed, a 
party falls considerably in the rear, the horsemen separate to accom- 
pany their respective favorites. If the season is dry the dust made 
by the loping horses is blinding, but the racers continue apparently 
as unmindful of the mud-coating that accumulates on their almost 
nude, perspiring bodies as if they were within but a few steps of 
victory. 

On they go from the point' of starting over the southern hills, 
thence eastward to Thunder Mountain, along the western base of 
which they proceed to the basaltic rocks through which the Zufti 
river runs. Keeping close to the mesas that form the northern 
boundary of the valley, the racers cross the river on their return at 
a point about two miles west of the pueblo, whence they con- 
tinue to the western end of the southern hills first crossed. These 
having been skirted, they pass over the low, sandy corn-fields to the 
goal, followed by the yelling horsemen, who wave yards of brilliant 
calico as they dash forward with the final spurt of the racers. When 
the goal is reached the first racer of the winning sidd takes the stick 



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July 1890.] A ZUffi FOOT-RACE. 231 

into his hands for the first time since starting. With renewed 
energy the individual members of the successful party put forth every 
remaining effort to be the first to arrive at the central plaza of the 
pueblo. He who gains it first is considered the superior racer of 
all, and his honor is indeed well earned. Running as rapidly as 
possible once around the heap of stores, at the same time breathing 
from his hand the ** breath of life," the victor, stick in hand, con- 
tinues at a running pace to his home. 

Curiosity prompted me to note the time occupied in performing 
this feat, which was found to be exactly two hours. 

Like almost every undertaking of the Zufii, the foot-race has more 
or less of a religious significance, as will be seen from the initiatory 
ceremonies. The opposing racers who await the signal to give the 
stick its first toss place turquoises or shell beads beneath the stick 
that they may be sacrificed at the first lifting of the foot. In the 
belief of the Zufti the stick has a tendency to draw the racers on, 
and as long as it can be kept in advance their success is, of course, 
assured. The cause thus follows the effect in the same manner as it 
does when in Zufliland the summer comes because the butterflies 
appear, and it departs because the birds take their flight. 

Training for a Zufti foot-race begins at childhood. At almost 
any time a naked youngster of four or five years may be seen play- 
ing at kicking- the-stick outside the door of his home, or, if a year 
or two older, coming from the corn-field — where he has been duti- 
fully engaged in frightening off the crows — tossing the stick as far 
as his little feet will allow him. 



L'Anthropologie. — With the November number the Revised 
Anthropologie, founded in 1872 by Paul Broca, ceased to exist as 
a separate journal. In January of the present year the three great 
journals, Mat^riaux pour THistoire de THomme, the Revue d*An- 
thropologie, and the Revue d'Ethnographie, were united, and the 
new journal has appeared with the title L' Anthropologie, a bi- 
monthly journal under the editorship of MM. femile Cartailhac, E. 
T. Hamy, and Paul Topinard. 

By this concentration of their efforts these three gentlemen will 
doubtless make the new journal as efficient as the old ones combined. 
It will be a difficult task, however, as all know who have read care- 
fully the journals founded by Mortillet, Broca, and Hamy. 

. r=0^:r. Mason. 



\ n IT I ^ ^ - * 'digitized by Google 






232 THE AMERICAN ANTHEOPOLOQIST. [Vol. III. 

Death of Hans Hendrik. — A late number of the Geografisk 
Tidskrift reports the death of this famous Eskimo, who was proba- 
bly better known to the civilized world than any other of his race, 
with the possible exception of Capt. Hall's companion ** Eskimo 
Joe," for he rendered excellent service in four polar expeditions. 
The last ship which came from Greenland in 1889 reports his death 
at Godhavn on August 11, 1889. A brief account of his life is 
given by Lieut. C. Ryder of the Danish navy {^Geografisk Tid- 
skrift, V. 10, 1890, pt. 5-6, pp- 140-143). 

He was bom at the Moravian station of Lichtenfels, in South 
Greenland, in 1834, and was educated by the missionaries, joining 
Dr. Kane's second expedition in the brig ** Advance," in 1853. 
When that ill-fated vessel was abandoned, in 1855, Hans chose to 
remain behind with the Eskimos of Cape York, where he lived for 
.five years, marrying an Eskimo girl, who afterwards came back with 
him to Danish Greenland, where she was baptized. 

He joined the expedition of Dr. Hayes, in i860, at Cape York, 
and returned with it to Upernivik, in Greenland. Here and at 
Proven he remained for several years in the employ of the Danish 
traders. 

Accompanying Capt. Hall in the "Polaris" expedition of 
i87i-'73, he was one of the unfortunate party who became sepa- 
rated from the vessel on an ice floe, and drifted from 77*^ 30' north 
latitude to 53® 30' off the coast of Labrador, where they were finally 
picked up by the ** Tigress," a steam-sealer. It was to the efforts 
of Hans and his comrade, '* Eskimo Joe," that the party of nine- 
teen owed their lives during their drift of over six months. 

After passing the winter of 1873-4 in America he returned to 
Upernivik, and in 1875 joii^ed the English discovery-ship "Alert," 
sharing in the exploration of Lady Franklin Bay and many other 
sled expeditions. After his return, in 1876, he was employed by 
the traders, chiefly at Upernavik, Egedesminde, and Godhavn, at 
which last place he spent the last years of his life. His last journey 
was in 1883, when he went as pilot and interpreter on board the 
Swedish steamer "Sophie," which visited Cape York, under com- 
mand of Dr. Nathorst, while Nordenskiold was making his journey 
into the interior of Greenland, 

" With his virtues and his faults," says Lieut. Ryder, " he was a 
good type of the Greenlander, and he was one of the many among 
this race who have saved white men from dying a miserable death 
among the icy wastes of the polar regions." John Murdoch. 



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July 1890.] HISTORY OP THE " THROWING-STICK." 233 



THE HISTORT OF THB '^ THROWINQ-STICK " WHICH 
DRIFTED FROM ALASKA TO GREENLAND. 

BY JOHN MURDOCH. 

One of the strongest arguments advanced by Dr. Frith iof Nansen, 
whose successful expedition across Greenland has won him so much 
honor, in favor of his plan for reaching the North Pole by drifting 
with the ice north and west from Bering Strait is the fact that an 
Eskimo "throwing-stick'* or handle for casting darts has un- 
doubtedly made this very drift. 

Reviewing the evidence in the March number of Naturen, he 
shows conclusively that this little piece of wood, fortunately of such 
characteristic shape that its history is unmistakable, has floated from 
Bering Strait to the west coast of Greenland, undoubtedly passing 
over or close to the North Pole. 

As this remarkable case has attracted little or no attention out- 
side of the Danish and Norwegian journals, I propose here to re- 
view in detail the history of the specimen. Some time ago the 
Norwegian Magazine Naturen published a notice of the meeting 
of the ** Videnskabsselskab ** at Christiania on June 11, 1886.* 
In this notice it was stated that ** Y. Nielsen (the curator of the 
University Museum) exhibited a throwingstick for a harpoon, 
found among driftwood at Godthaab ; it is of a form unknown in 
Greenland, but agrees completely with the thro wing-stick used in 
Alaska. It has therefore probably made the same journey as the 
relics of the Jeannette expedition found at Julianehaab.'* 

It immediately occurred to me that with the extensive collections 
at our disposal in the National Museum, in connection with the 
observations published by Professor Mason, f it would be easy to 
arrive at an almost certain conclusion about the specimen in 
question. I therefore wrote at once to Dr. Rink, in Christiania, 
who I know would be interested in any matter concerning the 
Eskimos, and who was probably present at the meeting of June 11, 

* Naturen, vol. 10, No. 11, p. 176. 

t Throwing-sticks in the National Museum. By Otis T. Mason. (Smithso- 
nian Report, 1884, pt. II, pp. 279-289.) 

30 



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234 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [VoL III. 

making further inquiries about the specimen, asking especially for 
a figure of the throwing-stick if one could be procured. 

With his usual promptness and courtesy, Dr. Rink at once re- 
sponded by sending me a carefully made outline sketch of the speci- 
men drawn by himself. 

I had not the slightest difficulty in identifying this with one of 
Mason's types, namely, that used in the Kaviak peninsula, Norton 
Sound, and the Yukon Delta. It most closely resembles a specimen 
from the Kaviak Peninsula now in the National Museum. It was 
seen at once that the resemblance between these two objects was 
altogether too striking to be the result of accident. I then wrote to 
Dr. Rink, stating that in my opinion the '* throwing-stick*' was 
undoubtedly Alaskan and probably from the Kaviak Peninsula. 

On receiving this confirmation of his previous views in regard to 
the origin of the specimen. Dr. Rink published a paper in the 
"Geografisk Tidskrift,"* in which he gives the history of the speci- 
men in detail. This account adds considerably to the authenticity 
of the '*find." 

It appears that Dr. Rink himself found the throwing-stick, which 
the Greenlanders at once recognized as different from any they had 
ever before seen, among the driftwood collected a,t Godthaab some 
years ago. This driftwood, as is well-known, is brought round Cape 
Farewell from the east and carried up the west coast of Greenland. 
Quite by accident, as he says, Dr. Rink preserved the specimen until 
1886, when the university at Christiania received a valuable selection 
of ethnographical specimens from the Danish East Greenland expe- 
dition under Holm and Garde. He then presented the specimen to 
the university, apparently supposing that it came from the same 
region. On examination, however, it proved that it was different 
from the East Greenland th rowing-sticks, as well as from those from 
the west. The well-known Norwegian traveler, Jakobsen, who has 
collected in Alaska, as well as in Greenland and Labrador, was 
struck, on examining the collection, with the resemblance of this 
specimen of unknown origin to those he had seen in Alaska. This 
gave rise to Nielsen's communication to the " Videnskabsselskab," 
in which he compared the probable drift of this object to that of 
the Jeannette relics, in confirmation of Professor Mohn's theory of 
a current running across close to the North Pole. 

*Formodet Drift of ct Fangeredskab fra Alaska til Greenland. ((Jeografisk 
Tidskrift, vol. 9, No. 4, pp. 75-76. Copenhagen, 1887.) 



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July 1890.] HISTORY OF THE "THROWING-STICK." 235 

The points specially mentioned by Dr. Rink as those in which 
this specimen differs from those used in Greenland, namely, the 
** pocket '' for the forefinger and the peg for one of the other fingers, 
are precisely those which indicate its Alaskan origin. The fact that 
it is inlaid with beads, though Dr. Rink lays considerable stress on 
this, is probably a mere accident and of no value in classification, 
though it appears to be true that this style of ornamentation is far 
more common in Alaska than in the east. Of more importance is 
the shallow groove along the back of the implement, appearing on 
both specimens compared. The general resemblance in shape be- 
tween the two is especially striking. 

It seems to me unreasonable to doubt that the implement in ques- 
tion was actually made in Alaska, not far from Bering Strait, and 
there seems to be no way of accounting for its presence at Godthaab, 
unless it really drifted all the way from Bering Strait to the coast of 
Greenland. What we actually know of the currents in the Arctic 
Ocean indicates the possibility of such a drift. There appears to 
be more or less of a northerly current north of Bering Strait, and 
the drift of the Jeannette itself indicates a constant westerly move- 
ment in high northern latitudes. 

Dr. Rink's suggestion that we know nothing of the people who 
undoubtedly inhabit the east coast of Greenland north of latitude 
6S, and that this implement may have been made by them, appears 
to me to carry less weight than he supposes. Mason has shown in 
the paper mentioned above that this implement has developed in 
certain distinct lines, which have a definite geographical distribu- 
tion. The specimen in question belongs to a highly specialized 
type, widely different from the equally specialized type found in 
Greenland. If in any part of East Greenland a throwing-stick was 
found resembling that used in the Mackenzie River district, there 
would be nothing surprising in it, for this implement is of an ex- 
ceedingly simple and generalized pattern, but it is in the highest 
degree improbable that specialization should result in two forms 
identically the same in regions so far apart. 

In the preceding remarks I have followed the nomenclature of 
Professor Mason and most other American and English writers in 
calling these implements *' throwing-sticks.*' They are also called 
" thro wing-boards," ** hand-boards," or "darting-boards." The 
objection has been raised to these names that ** throwing-stick" 
should mean a stick to be thrown, like those used by many savages, 



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236 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

while '* hand-board " is too indefinite, giving no indication of the 
use of the implement. 

On the drawing furnished me by Dr. Rink he has written the 
name " harpoon thrower.*' This seems to me an entirely unob- 
jectionable and very expressive name, and I think its use in ethno- 
graphic work is much to be con^mended. 

[The above point with reference to the ineligibility of the name 
" throwing-sticks" for these implements seems well taken. Dr. 
Rink's term "harpoon thrower" while perfectly applicable to the 
implement used by the Eskimo is quite out of place elSewhere, as 
in Australia, where the implement in question has a wide distribu- 
tion. It is suggested that the term spear thrower is preferable since 
it covers the functions of the implement fully, and sufficiently dis- 
tinguishes it from the throwing club or stick, also of wide distribu- 
tion, which is a missile. — Editor.] 



The Andamans and Andamanese. — In an article entitled "The 
Andamansand Andamanese'* {Scottish Geographical Magazine jYoL 
5, No. 2, Feb., 1889, pp. 57-73) Col. T. Cadell, Chief Commis- 
sioner of the Andaman Islands, gives an interesting general account 
of these very primitive savages. Perhaps the most striking thii^g 
in the article is the favorable account he gives of the appearance 
and disposition of these people, who have generally been presented 
to the world in a very unfavorable light. He scouts the idea of 
their ever having been cannibals, and goes on to describe them 
as "well-made, dapper little fellows,*' with "smiling, innocent 
fac^s," and "pleasant to look upon" — "such jolly, merry little 
people. * * * You cannot imagine how taking they are. Every 
one who has to do with them falls m love with them." By kind- 
ness and liberality the English have succeeded in gaining the affec- 
tions of all the inhabitants of Great Andaman except the Jarawas, 
who speak a " totally different language" and differ in their customs 
and weapons, and friendly relations are gradually being established 
with the people of Little Andaman, 

John Murdoch. 



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July 1890.] NOTES ON INDIAN CHILD-LANGUAGE. 237 



NOTES ON INDIAN CHILD-LANQUAaE. 

BY A. F. CHAMBERLAIN. 

To the language of the Indian child but little attention appears 
to have been given. Its importance for comparison with the speech 
of children in other parts of the globe is very great, and its investi- 
gation may shed some light upon theories of the origin and develop- 
ment of language such as the one set forth by Mr. Horatio Hale. In 
the last few years there have appeared several valuable works relat- 
ing to the general subject of child-language, its phonology and vo- 
cabulary. Besides the studies of Schultze\ vOn der Gabelentz*, and 
Taine*, we find in "Titin: A Study of Child-Language," by Seftor 
D. A. Machado y Alvarez, of Seville*, a most interesting investiga- 
tion of the language-development of the Spfior's two children, both 
as regards sound and signification. Only last year Prof. A. H. 
Sayce* published a list of curious words belonging to the " Chil- 
dren's Language in the Omani Dia^lect of Arabia," and Mr. Hale', 
in his elaborate essay on the "Development of Language," has 
dwelt upon many of the peculiarities of infantile speech, as also has 
Prof. Joseph Mikch^ in his interesting essay "L'ld^ et la Racine." 
The articles of Sefior Machado and Professor Sayce will be of consid- 
erable value for comparison with the Indian data given in this paper. 

Canon Farrar*, discussing the question whether children if left to 
themselves would evolve the rudiments of a language, makes this state- 
ment: 

**Itis a well-known fact that the neglected children in some 
Canadian and Indian villages, who are often left alone for days, can 
and do invent for themselves a sort of lingua franca, partially or 
wholly unintelligible to all except themselves." 

> Die Sprache des Kindes, 1880. 

*Sce Hale, Op. cit., p. 113. 

» In Revue Philosophique, 1876, pp. i et seq, 

♦Trans, of Philol. Soc. (Lond.), i885-*7, pp. 68-74. 

•"Academy" (London), No. 915, November 16, 1889, pp. 324-'5. 

• Proceedings of Canadian Institute, 3rd series, Vol. VI, 1887-8, pp. 93-134. 
Espcc. pp. 96, 97, 113, 132. 

^ Revue de Lin^^uistique et de Philologie compar^e. Tome XIX, 1886, pp. 
189-206, 213-231. Espec. pp. 195-197- 

' Chapters on Language. New Edition, London, 1873, P* I4* 



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238 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The writer has not as yet been able to discover by what authority 
this assertion is made, but, having had his attention drawn to the 
subject, has gathered together some information which may prove 
of interest and value. 

A search through a dictionary for " child-words '* is but too often 
labor lost or nearly so. For example, the **Arawak-deutsches Wor- 
terbuch" contained in the Biblioth^ue Linguistique Am^ricaine* 
yielded only the following : 
Awdwa (Vaterchen, Papa). — Papa. The ordinary Arawak word is 

iti (Vater, Vaterbruder, Mutterbruder). 
fdja (Hangematte). — Hammock. The usual Arawak word is uk- 

kura {ukkurahu) or hamaka. 
Seessuban (sich setzen, sitzen). — To seat one's self, to sit down. 
The usual Arawak word is abaltin or aballatin. 
While among the Mississaguas of Scugog, Ontario, in the summer 
of 1888, the writer was able to discover only two words used spe- 
cially by children : fete (=■ father, papa) and dddd (= mother, mama). 
These words (sometimes with interchanged significations) occur 
very frequently, with more or less modified vocalism, as the names 
for "father" and "mother" among primitive peoples,* and may 
not ineptly be compared with our own English dada^ etc. From 
the Rev. Allen Salt (a Mississagua) two other words were obtained : 
Tup'pe'-ta, — G reasy . The ord i nary word is pemeddweze (i t is greasy). 
Num-na, — Sweet. The ordinary word is wteshkoobun (it is sweet). 
A careful examination of the Algonkin Dictionary of the Abb6 
Cuoq* has yielded the following "child-words," which the writer 
has extracted and arranged alphabetically : 
Bobo, — Hurt. Used by parent to child. Andi bobo f Where are 

you hurt ? The word is borrowed from French bobo, 
Djodjo, — Used: i) by child wishing to be suckled, 2)== mama, 
mother. In the latter sense it is used not merely by children 
but also by grown-up persons, who often say ni djodjo (my 
mother), ki djodjo (thy mother), etc., instead of the usual 
nin gaj ki ga, etc. Cuoq considers djodjo to be a child- 
word for toioc (Jotosh, teat, breast). 

'Tome VIII, Paris, 1882. See pp. 104, 120, 153. 

* See the list given by Buschmann in Verh. der Berl. Acad, des Wiss. a. d. 
Jahre, 1852, Berlin, 1853; also Um^ry in Revue Orientale et Amiricaine, VIII 
(1863), 335-338, and Wedgwood, Diet of Engl. Etymol., 3d ed., 1878, li-lii. 

' Lexique de la langue algonquine. Montreal, 1886. 



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July 1890.] NOTES ON INDIAN CHILD-LANGUAGE. 239 

E, S, i I — ^Yes. The affirmative particle used by children consists 

of t repeated several times. 
'Enh, — No. Used by very young children. Cuoq remarks the 
curious fact that with adults, eh I or enh I signifies ** yes," 
and states that its pronunciation ** varies according to the 
age, sex, condition, and sentiments of the speaker.*' 

loio, — Hurt (same as bobd). From it are formed ; ioioc (bad hurt), 
toiociWy i (to have a bad hurt). 

Kaka, — I ) game, z) tender part of flesh. Cuoq says that little chil- 
dren denote by this word all sorts of game (bear, beaver, deer, 
partridge, etc.), and also, in particular, the tender part of 
the flesh of birds, amphibious animals, fish, etc. A deriva- 
tive from this word in use in the language is kakawandjigan, 
cartilage, marrow, soft part of animals, fish, etc. 

Kakac {kakasK), — i) = Pipi and caca (French), 2) dirt, filth, un- 
cleanliness. A mother will say to her child ki kakaciki (tu 
fais caca, tu fais pifi)^ ki kakaciw (thou art dirty). 

Koko, — Name given by little children to any terrible being. This 
is probably the Gaugou, that monster of the Indian imagina- 
tion of which we read in Champlain and Lescarbot, and 
which was supposed to live on an island in the Baie des 
Chaleurs. Indeed, Lescarbot' speaks of **la plaisante his- 
toire du Gougau (\\\\ fait peur aux petits enfansy A mother 
says to her child koko ki gat aiawik (beware of the koko). 

Labala, — An individual of the white race. 

Lolo, — Used by little children when asking to be put back into the 
cradle. Cuoq compares the French dodo. 

Mamon, — Used by mothers to little children to induce them to go 
to sleep. 

Nana. — Everything that is eaten without the aid of a spoon. 

iVi7«^«.— Candy, sweetmeats, bon-bons. Cuoq considers that this 
word is probably of French origin. 

Paboc {pabosh). — Everything that is eaten with a spoon. 

Fipi. — Used by little children when asking for water. 

Sesewan. — This word is used only to little children, to prevent them 
taking up or eating something dirty, or some forbidden ob- 
ject. The radical Se / means " fie ! *' 

Tadjic (Jadjish). — An exclamation of admiration. 

7tf/a.— Papa, father. 

» Histoire dc la Nouvclle France, 1612. Ed. Tross, pp. 371-395. 



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240 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

In conversing with Odjidjat^kha, an educated and intelligent 
Mohawk from Brantford, Ontario, I learned that the fact of the ex- 
istence of ** child- words '* had come under his notice. He was* 
able to remember four only of these : 

Gi'ti-ni. — Horse. The ordinary Mohawk word is ga-nuh-sa, 
O'dji. — ^An exclamation of fear, fright. 
Tata, — Bread. The ordinary word is ga-na-tah-ro, 
Wa-wa, — Meat. The ordinary word is O-wa-ra, 

He also mentioned the curious fact that there is some difference 
between the pronunciation of the men and the women, the former, 
for example, saying data and the latter ioda^ the consonants being 
vigorously uttered in each case. The first of the ** child-words" 
in question, gi-tt-m, was, so Odjidjat^kha informed me, an invention 
of his own when a little boy. 

Cuoq^ in his Iroquois Dictionary gives some examples of " child- 
words '' in that dialect. These I have here arranged alphabetically 
for more explicit reference. He calls attention to the existence of 
the letters ^, py and m in these words, letters which are entirely 
foreign to the language of the adult Iroquois. 
Aa, — Used with sense of French caca. 
Ah. — Something dirty or bad tasting. 
Aia. — Hurt. Same signification as French bobo, 
Atsio, — Signifies heal and bums, cold, chilblains, etc. (Le chaud et 

les brdlures, le froid et les engelures). 
Ba, — Expresses the action of kissing, etc. (baiser, embrasser). 
En, — Expresses approval, consent, obedience. 
Enh, — Expresses refusal, rejection, repulsion. 
Fa, — Expresses a disagreeable odor. * 

laiaa, — Used to designate fruit with pips, stones (fruits a pepin). 
Kak. — Signifies a bite, cut, etc. 
Man, — Used when asking for food, drink, etc. 
Mants, — Used when asking to be suckled. 
Mionts, — Used to name cats. 

Oo, — Used when asking to be put in a vehicle, canoe, etc. 
Otsih, — Expresses fear produced by the sight of a human being, an 

animal, etc. 
Tataa, — Bread, cake. 

Taten. — Used when asking to be taken up and carried in the arms 
of father or mother. 

^ Lexique de la langue iroqaoise. Montreal, 1882, pp. 191-193. 



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July 1890.] NOTES ON INDIAN CHILD-LANGUAGE. 241 

Ts€ts, — Expresses the idea of goodness, beauty. 
Tsiap. — Expresses the idea of a fall into water. 
Tsiotsioo, — Used in asking for porridge, broth, and all that is eaten 

with a spoon.* " 

Ttsitsii. — Used in pointing out a little mollusk, an insect, a reptile, 
causing fear. 
All these words, Cuoq states, **Are spoken in a peculiar manner, 
which no writing can perfectly express.'* The Iroquois and Algonkin 
dialects here treated of are those spoken by the Indians belonging to 
those stocks at the Lake of the Two Mountains, Province of Quebec. 
There appear to be a few resemblances in the Algonkin and Iro- 
quois '* child-words" cited above, viz: 

Algonkin: E, enh, nana, tata. 
Iroquois: En, enh, man, tota. 
The writer does not desire at present to discuss the remoter origin 
and inter-relation of the '* child-words *' brought together in this 
brief essay, but hopes that additions will be made to the data there 
given from other sources, and that on some future occasion the sub- 
ject may be discussed in its wider aspects. 



Publications relating to Paris Exposition. — Two volumes re- 
lating to the anthropological collections at the Paris Exposition have 
appeared.- ** Catalogue G^n^ral Official. Exposition Retrospective 
du Travail et des Sciences Anthropologiques, Section i. Anthropol- 
ogie-Ethnographie. Lille : L. Danel, 1889, 250 p., 8vo.; '' and **La 
Soci^t^, L'ficole et le Laboratoire d' Anthropologic de Paris a TEx- 
position Universelle de 1889. Palais des Arts Lib^raux. Instruc- 
tion Publique. Paris: Imprim-R^unies, 1889. 362 p., 8vo.*' The 
first named is a part of the official catalogue series, the latter was 
issued by the three organizations named in the title. 

Following the example of the world's fair in 1867 the great ex- 
hibition of 1889 organized, in the building on the Champs de Mars 
called Palais des Arts Lib^raux, an *' Exposition retrospective de 
rhistoire du travail.'* This served as a vestibule to the great col- 
lections illustrating the inventions and arts of our own day. The 
material was separated into five classes: ^* Sciences anthopologiques 
et ethnographiques ; Arts libiraux ; Arts et metiers ; Moy ens de trans- 
port ; Arts miUtaires, This catalogue contains a minute description 
of the organization and objects included within the first section, 
namely, anthropologie et ethnologic. 

31 



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242 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The second-named publication is an excellent history of the sci- 
entific bodies of Paris and of their work, as well as a catalogue 
raisonn^e of the anthropological objects shown by them in the Ex- 
position. The participants in this section were the following: 

Soci^t6 d'Anthropologie, founded by Broca in 1858. 

Laboratoire d'Anthropologie, founded by Broca in 1867. 

£cole d'Anthropologie, founded by Broca in 1876. 

Mus6e Broca, containing the collections of all the above named 
and much besides, founded in 1880. 

The first three comprise what is called the Institut d'Anthropol- 
ogie. 

The publications of the Soci6t6 have been the Bulletins^ Series i, 
six volumes (1859-1865); Series ii, twelve volumes (1866-1877); 
Series iii, eleven volumes (1877-1888), and the Mimoires, Series i, 
three volumes ; Series ii, four volumes. 

Three prizes — prix Godard, prix Broca, and prix Bertillon — are 
conferred upon the most worthy publications in anthropology in 
general, in human biology, and in demography, respectively. Wor- 
thy of notice in the same connection was the Reunion Lamarck, 
founded by Paul Nicole and under the presidency of G. de Mortillet. 
The object of this organization was to bring together the evidences 
of the great obligation due to their master for the progress of trans- 
formism as a doctrine of creation. 

Further publications by members of the Institut d' Anthropologic 
are Biblioth^ue des Sciences Contemporaine, 16 volumes; Biblio- 
th^ue Anthropologique, 10 volumes, and Dictionnaire des Sciences 
An thropologiques. 

The committee of the Institut on the Exposition, under the chair- 
manship of G. de Mortillet, embraced many of the distinguished 
anthropologists of Paris. The exhibition was supplemental to that 
described in the former number of the Anthropologist, Jan., 1890, 
including brain casts, histology of cerebral convolutions, craniology, 
osteology, splanchnology, myology, anthropogeny, prehistoric an- 
thropology, ethnic mineralogy, ethnography, history of religion and 
demography. 

The exposition of the Soci^t^, the Laboratoire and Tfecole, was 
made in the pavilion des Arts Lib^raux, in the first story of the 
apartments occupied by the minister of public instruction. 

Much of the material exhibted was reclaimed by its owners, but 
the Mus6e Broca was greatly enriched by the Exposition. 

O. T. Mason. 



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July 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OF THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 243 

MTTHOLOQT OF THB MBNOMONI INDIANS. 

BY W. J, HOFFMAN, M. D. 

The following notes on the mythology of the Menomoni Indians 
of Wisconsin were recently obtained from members of that tribe. 
During the period of my investigations with them regarding the 
present status of the Mita'wit, or Grand Medicine Society, and its 
similarity to the corresponding society of the Ojibwas, and by them 
termed the Mide'wiwin, many facts and traditions were obtained 
relating to the origin of totems, animals, etc., some of which are 
presented herewith as literally as possible. 

Totems. — It is admitted that originally there was a greater number 
of totems than at present. The tradition relating to some of them is 
as follows : When the Great Spirit* made the earth he created also 
numerous beings termed Manidos or spirits, giving them the forms 
of animals and birds. Most of the former were malevolent *' under- 
ground beings * ' — a-na'-maq-ki"*'. The latter consisted of eagles and 
hawks, known as the Thunderers, a-na'-maq-ki', chief of which was 
the invisible thunder, though represented by the Ki-ne'-u^', the 
Golden eagle. When Ki-sha'-manido, the Good Spirit, saw that 
the bear was still an animal he determined to allow the latter to 
change his form. The Bear, still known as na-noq'-kS, was pleased 
at what the Good Spirit was going to grant him, and he was made an 
Indian, though with a light skin. This took place at mi'-ni-ka'-ni, 
Menomoni river, near the spot where its waters empty into Green 
Bay, and at this place, also, the Bear first came out of the ground. 
He found himself alone, and decided to call to himself ki-n^-u^, the 
Eagle, and said: "Eagle, come to me and be my brother." 
Whereupon the Eagle descended, and also took the form of a human 
being. While they were considering whom to call upon to join 
them, they perceived the Beaver approaching. The Beaver requested 
to be taken into the totem of the Thunderer, but being a woman she 
was called na-ma'-ku-kiu', Beaver woman, and was adopted as 

* Mesha Manido'. This term is not to be understood as implying a belief in 
one supreme deity. There are several Manidos, each supreme in his own realm, 
as well as many lesser spirits or deities. The word Ma-she — great, — is also used 
as a variant. 



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244 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

a younger brother of the Thunderer. [The term younger brother is 
here employed in a generic sense and not specifically.] The totem 
of the beaver is at present termed the po-wat'-i-not'. Soon there- 
after, as the Bear and the Eagle were upon the banks of a river, they 
saw a stranger, the Sturgeon (no-ma'-S), who was adopted by the 
Bear as a younger brother and servant. In like manner o-mish'- 
kosh, the Elk, was accepted by the thunderer as a younger brother 
and water-carrier. 

At another time the Bear was going up the Wisconsin river and, 
becoming fatigued, sat down to rest. Near by was a waterfall, from 
beneath which emerged moq-we'-o", the Wolf, who approached and 
asked the Bear why he had wandered to that place. The Bear said 
that he was on his way to the source of the river, but being fatigued 
and unable to travel farther, he had come there to rest. At that 
moment o-ta'-tshi, the Crane, was flying by, when the Bear called 
to him and said : " Crane, carry me to my people, at the head of 
the river, and I will take you for my younger brother. ' ' As the Crane 
was taking the Bear upon his back the Wolf called out to the Bear, 
saying : " Bear, take me also as a younger brother, for I am alone.* ' 
The Bear answered, " Come with me. Wolf, and I will accept you 
also as my younger brother." This is how the Crane and the Wolf 
became younger brothers of the Bear ; but as moq-we'-o"*, the Wolf, 
afterwards permitted a'-nam, the Dog, and a-ba'-shush, the Deer, 
to join him, these three are now recognized as a phratry, the Wolf 
still being entitled to a seat in council upon the north side and with 
the Bear phratry. 

I-na'-maq-ki, the Big Thunder, lived at Winnebago Lake, near 
Fond-du-Lac. The Good Spirit made the Thunderers the laborers 
and to be of benefit to the whole world. When they return from 
the southwest in the spring they bring the rains which make the 
earth green and cause the plants and trees to grow. If it were not 
for the Thunderers the earth would become parched, and the grass 
burnt. The Good Spirit also gave to the Thunderers corn, the kind 
known as squaw corn, which grows on small stalks and has ears of 
various colors. 

The Thunderers were also the fire-makers, having first received it 
from Manabush, who had stolen it from an old man who dwelt upon 
an island in the middle of a great lake. 

The Thunderers decided to visit the Bear village at Minika'ni, 
and when they arrived . at that place they asked the Bear to join 



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July 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OF THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 245 

them, promising to give corn and fire in return for rice (which was 
the property of the Bear) and sturgeon, which abounded in the 
waters of Minika'ni. The Bear family agreed to this, and since 
that time the two families have lived together. The Bear family 
occupies the east side of the council, while the Thunderers sit in 
the west. The latter are the war chiefs and have charge of the 
lighting of the fire. 

The Wolf came from moq-wa'-6 o-shi'-pi-o-m6' — " Wolf his creek." 

The Dog, a-nam', was born at no'-ma-wiq'-ki-to — Sturgeon, Bay — 
and joined the Wolf. The H-ba'-shush, Deer, came from sha-wa'-no 
ni-pe'-she, Southern Lake, and together with the Dog joined the 
Wolf at Menomoni river. 

After this union the Bear built a long wigwam, extending north 
and south, and a fire was kindled by the Thunderers in the middle. 
From -this all the families receive fire, which is carried to them by 
one of the Thunderers, and when the people travel the Thunderers 
go on ahead to a camping place and start the fire to be used by all. 

The totems or gentes as they exist at this day are as follows, ar- 
ranged in their respective phratries and in order of importance, 
viz : — 

I. Theo-wa'-shS wi-di-shi'-an-un, or Bear phratry: 

0-wa'-sh€ Bear. 

Ki-ta'-mi" Porcupine. 

Miq-ka'-n6 Turtle. 

0-ta-tshi' Crane. 

Moq-we'-o" Wolf. 

Mi-kek' Otter. 

No-ma'-e" Sturgeon. 

Na-ku'-ti Sun Fish. 

Although the Wolf is recognized as a member of the above phratry, 
his true position is at the head of the third. 

II. The I-na'-maq-ki wi-di-shi'-an-un, or Big Thunder phratry : 

Ki-ne'-ii' Golden Eagle. 

Sha-wa'-na-ni' Fork-Tailed Hawk. 

Pi-nash'-i" Bald Eagle. 

O-pash'-ko-shi Turkey Buzzard. 

Pa-kash'-tshe-k6» .... Swift-Flying Hawk. 

P6-ki'-ke-ku'-nS Winter Hawk. Remains 

all winter in Wisconsin. 



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246 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Ke-she'-wa-t5'-shS .... Sparrow Hawk. 

Maq-kwo'-ka-ni Red-Tailed Hawk. 

Ka-ka'-kS Raven. 

I-naq'-tik Crow. 

Pi-wat'-i-ndt' Beaver (former name, No- 

ma-i'). 

0-mash-k6sh Elk. 

U-na'-wa-nink Pine Squirrel. 

III. The moq-we'-o° wi-di-shi'-an-un, or Wolf phratry, consists of 
the following : 

Moq-w€'-o» Wolf. 

A-nam' Dog. 

A-ba'-shush Deer. 

The presence of some of the totems in the preceding phratries 
will be accounted for in the following traditions : 

After the several totems congregated and united into an organ- 
ized body for mutual benefit they still were without the means of 
providing themselves with food, excepting that above mentioned, 
medicinal plants and the power to ward off disease and death. 

When the Good Spirit beheld the people upon the new earth and 
found them afflicted with hardships and disease and exposed to con- 
starit annoyance from the malevolent underground spirits, the a-ni'- 
maq-ki", he concluded to provide them with the means of bettering 
their condition, and accomplished it by sending down to the earth 
one of his companion spirits, named Manabush. This is explained 
in the following tradition, called '* The Story of Manabush," or 

Mci -na-bushl 'A' 'ta-n^ -quen. 

There was an old woman named Nok6mis, who had an unmar- 
ried daughter. The daughter gave birth to twin boys, one of whom 
died, as did also the mother. Nok6mis then wrapped the living 
child in soft, dry grass, laid it upon the ground at the extreme end 
of her wigwam, and placed over it a wooden bowl to protect it. She 
then took the body of her daughter and the other grandchild and 
buried them at some distance from her habitation. When she re- 
turned to the wigwam she sat down and mourned for four days ; but 
at the expiration of the fourth day she heard a slight noise within 
the wigwam, which she soon found to come from the wooden bowl. 



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July 1890.] MYTHOrX>GY OP THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 247 

The bowl moved, and then she suddenly remembered that her liv- 
ing grandchild had been put under it. Upon removing the bowl 
she beheld a little white rabbit with quivering ears, and upon tak- 
ing it up said, "Oh ! my dear little rabbit, my Manabush." She 
cherished it, and it grew. One day the rabbit sat up on its haunches 
and hopped slowly across the floor of the wigwam, which caused the 
earth to tremble. Then the i-na'-maq-ki'", or bad spirits beneath 
the earth, said to one another, ** What has happened ? A great 
Manido is born somewhere,** and they immediately began to devise 
means to destroy Manabush. 

When Manabush grew to be a young man he thought it time to 
prepare himself to assist his uncles, the people, to better their con- 
dition. He then said to Nok6mis, ** Grandmother, make for me 
two sticks, that I may be able to sing.*' [These sticks, pa'-ka-h6k'- 
a-nak, are used as drumsticks in keeping time when singing songs 
of a sacred character.] Nok6mis made the sticks for Manabush, 
when he left the wigwam and selected an open, flat surface, where 
he built a " long house ** or wigwam. He then began to sing, call- 
ing his uncles together, and told them that he would give them the 
Mita", so that they could cure disease. He gave them plants for 
food, so that they should no longer want for anything. He gave 
them medicine bags made of the skins of the mink, the weasel, the 
black rattlesnake, the missasauga rattlesnake, and the panther. Into 
each of these he put samples of all the medicines, and taught their 
use. Manabush lived for many years after this and taught his uncles 
how to do many useful things. 

The word Manabush comes from Ma'-sh6, great, and Wab6sh', 
rabbit, and signifies "Great Rabbit,'* because he was to perform 
great deeds. The ceremony which took place when Menabush con- 
ferred upon his uncles the power of using medicines in curing disease 
and in warding off" death is now performed annually at the initiation 
of members into the Mita'wit, or Grand Medicine Society. 

Mci-she-nd-mak, The Great Fish. 

The people were much distressed by a water-monster, or giant 
fish, which frequently caught fishermen, dragged them into the lake 
and there devoured them. So Manabush asked his grandmother 
to hand to him his singing-sticks, and told her he was going to allow 
himself to be swallowed, that he might be enabled to destroy the 



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248 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

monster. So Manabush built a small raft and floated out upon the 
lake, singing all the while, *' Ma'-she-no'-mak, come and eat me, you 
will feel good." Then the monster Ma'shS-no'-mak, saw that it was 
Manabush, and told his children to swallow him. When one of the 
young of Ma'-sh6-no'-mak darted forward to swallow Manabush, the 
latter said, * * I want Ma'-shS-no'-mak to swallow me. ' ' This made the 
monster so angry that he swallowed Manabush, whereupon the latter 
became unconscious. When Manabush recovered, he found himself 
in company with his brothers. He saw the Bear, the Deer, the Por- 
cupine, the Raven, the Pine squirrel, and many others. He inquired 
of them how they came to meet with such misfortune, and was very 
sad to find that other kinsmen also were lying dead. • 

Then Manabush prepared to sing the war song, during which it 
is customary to state the object of making the attack and the manner 
in which it is to be attempted. 

He told his brothers to dance with him, and all joined in singing. 
The Pine squirrel had a voice unlike the rest, and hopped around 
rapidly, singing sSk'-sSk' s6k'-s€k, which amused the rest even in their 
distress. As the dancers passed around the interior of the monster 
it made him reel, and when Manabush danced past his heart he 
thrust his knife toward it, which caused the monster to have a con- 
vulsion. Thus Manabush thrust his knife three times toward the 
monster's heart, after which he said to the. monster, **Swim toward 
my wigwam," and immediately after Manabush thrust his knife into 
the heart, which caused the monster's body to quake and roll so vio- 
lently that every one became unconscious. How long they remained 
in this condition they knew not, but upon returning to consciousness 
Manabush found everything motionless and silent. He knew then 
that the monster was dead, and that his body was lying either upon 
the shore or upon the bottom of the lake. To make sure, he crawled 
over the bodies of his brothers to a point where he could cut an 
opening through the monster's body. When he had cut a small 
opening he saw bright daylight; then he immediately closed the hole, 
took his singing sticks and began to sing : 

Ke'-sik-in-na'-min, ke'-sik-in-na'-min. 
I see the sky, I see the sky. 

As Manabush continued to sing, his brothers recovered. The 
Squirrel was the one who hopi>ed around, singing the words sek'- 
sek' sek'-sck', sSk'-sek' sek'-sek. When the dance was concluded, 
Manabush cut a large opening in the monster's belly, through 



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Jaly 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OP THE MBNOMONI INDIANS. 249 

which they emerged. As the survivors were about to separate to go 
to their respective wigwams they all complimented the pine squirrel 
upon his fine voice, and Manabush said to him, ** My younger 
brother, you will also be happy, as you have a good voice.*' Thus 
Manabush destroyed Ma'-sh6-no'-mak. 

Manabush ami his Brother. 

When Manabush had accomplished the works for which the Good 
Spirit sent him down to the earth, he went far away and built his 
wigwam on the northeast shore of a large lake, where he took up 
his abode. As he was alone, the good manidos concluded to give 
hkn for a companion his twin brother, whom they brought to life 
and called na*'-pa-t6', which signifies an expert marksman. He was 
formed like a human being, but, being a manido, could assume the 
shape of a Wolf, in which form he hunted for food. Manabush was 
aware of the anger of the bad manidos who dwelt beneath the earth, 
the a-ni'-miq-ki"', and warned his brother, the Wolf, never to return 
home by crossing the lake, but always to go around it by the shore. 
Once, after the Wolf had been hunting all day long, he found him- 
self directly opposite his wigwam, and being tired concluded to 
cross the lake. He had not gone half way across when the ice 
broke, the Wolf was seized by the bad manidos and destroyed. 

Manabush at once knew what had befallen his brother, and in his 
distress mourned for four days. Every time that Manabush sighed 
the earth trembled, which caused the hills and ridges to form upon 
its surface. Then the shade of Moqwe'o", the Wolf, appeared be- 
fore Manabush and, knowing that his brother could not be restored 
to him, Minabush told him to follow the path of the setting sun and 
there l>ecome the chief of the shadows in the hereafter, where all 
would meet. Manabush then secreted himself in a large rock near 
Mackinaw. 

Here his uncles, the people, for many years visited Manabush, 
and they always built a long lodge, the me-ta'-wit, where they sang. 
So when Manabush did not wish to see them in his human form he 
appeared to them in the form of a little white rabbit with trembling 
ears, just as he had first appeared to Nok6mis. 

The Origin of the Bait Game. 

Manabush wanted to discover and destroy those of the a-na'-maq- 
ki"', or underground evil manidos, who were instrumental in the death 
32 



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250 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

of his brother, the Wolf. He therefore instituted the ball game, and 
asked the Thunderers to come and play against the ^-nS.'-maq-ki"' 
as their opponents, after which the game should be the property of 
the Thunderers. The Ki-ne'-u', Golden Eagle, came in response 
to this invitation and brought with him the ball. He was accom- 
panied by all the other Thunderers, his brothers and younger 
brothers. Then the a-na'-maq-ki"' began to come out of the ground, 
the first two to appear being the head chiefs— one a powerful silvery 
white bear, the other having a gray coat. These were followed by 
their brothers and younger brothers. 

The place selected by Manabush for a ball-ground was near a 
large sand-bar on a great lake not far from where Mackinaw is now 
located. Adjoining the sand-bar was a large grove of trees, in the 
midst of which was a clearing, smooth and covered with grass. At 
one end of this clearing was a knoll, which was taken possession of 
by the bear chiefs, from which point they could watch the progress 
of the game. Then the i-na'-maq-ki*' placed themselves on one 
side of the ball-ground, while the Thunderers took the other, each 
of the latter selecting a player from among their opponents, as the 
players always go by pairs. 

After the game was started Manabush approached the grove of 
trees, and while cautiously following a stream which led near to the 
knoll he discovered an Indian painting himself. While watching 
the process Manabush saw the Indian take clay, spread it upon his 
hands, and then scratching off some with the finger-nails, so that the 
remainder appeared like parallel stripes, the hands were then slapped ' 
upon the shoulders, arms, and the sides of the body. Then Mana- 
bush said to the Indian, ** Who are you and what are you doing?" 
to which the Indian replied in the Ottawa tongue, " I amKe-ta'-ki- 
bi'-hot and I am dressing myself to play ball. Do you not see they 
are going to have a great time out thereupon the ball-ground? 
Come and join the game." ** No," said Manabush, **I will not 
play, but look on." 

[Ke-ta'-kl-bi'-h6t in the Menomoni language is Ke-ta'-ki-bi-hit, 
and signifies ** the striped one." His modern name is Na-ku'-ti, 
the Sun-Fish.] 

Manabush watched NakQti as he went upon the ball-field, and saw 
that he paired himself with u-na'-wa-nink', the pine squirrel of the 
Thunderers. Manabush then continued towards the knoll to see 
who were his chief enemies. When he had gone as near as possible 



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July 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OF THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 251 

without being seen he climbed a large tree, from which he had a 
good view of the progress of the game, and upon looking at the 
knoll he saw the two bear chiefs lying there quietly, also watching 
the ball game. 

The game lasted all day without either side gaining any advan- 
tage, and when the sun was setting the players returned to their 
wigwams. 

At night Manabush descended from the tree in which he had been 
sitting, approached the knoll, and stood upon a spot between the 
places which had been occupied by the bear chiefs. He then said, 
** I want to be a pine tree, cut off half way between the ground and 
the top, with two strong branches reaching over the places upon 
which the bear chiefs lie down." Being a manido, he immediately 
became a tree, as he desired. When the players returned next morn- 
ing to resume the ball game, the bear chiefs and the other ^-na'-miq- 
ki"'said, "This tree was not standing here yesterday ; *' but the Thun- 
derers all replied that it had been there. Then a discussion followed, 
during which the two sets of players retired to their respective sides, 
and the game was thus postponed for a while. The bear chiefs con- 
cluded that the tree must be Manabush, and they at once decided 
to destroy him. So they sent for the Grizzly Bear to come to their • 
assistance, and asked him to climb the tree, to tear the bark from 
the trunk, and to scratch his throat and face. When the Grizzly 
Bear had torn the bark from the trunk, bitten the branches, and had 
scratched the top of the trunk at a point where the head and neck 
of a human being would be, he gave it up and descended. The 
bear chiefs then called upon a monster serpent, which was lying in 
the brush close by, and asked it to bite and strangle the tree. The 
ser|)ent wrapped itself around the trunk and tightened its coils uptil 
Manabush was almost strangled, although he was able to endure the 
bites which the serpent inflicted upon his head, neck, and arms. 
Before Manabush become entirely unconscious it uncoiled and glided 
down. The Bear Kings then believed that the tree was not Mana- 
bush, so they lay down near the trunk and caused the game to begin. 
After a long and furious struggle the ball was carried so far from the 
starting point that the bear chiefs were left entirely alone, when in 
an instant Manabush drew an arrow from the quiver hanging at his 
side, shot one into the body of the silvery-white bear chief, and 
another into the body of the gray bear chief. Then Manabush re- 
sumed his human form and ran for the sand-bar. He had not prO' 



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252 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

ceeded far, however, when the defeated H-na'-maq-ki'*' returned, 
saw what had happened, and set out in pursuit of Manabush. The 
waters poured out of the ground and followed with such speed that, 
just as Manabush was about being overtaken, he saw ma'-na-kwo, the 
badger, and begged him to help secrete him in the earth. The 
Badger took Manabush down into the earth, and as he burrowed 
threw the loose dirt behind him, which retarded the waters. 

The a-na'-maq-ki°' could nowhere find Manabush ; so they gave up 
the pursuit, and just as the waters were sinking into the depths of 
the burrow, Manabush and the Badger returned to the surface. 

When the a-na'-maq-ki"' returned to the ball-ground they took 
up their wounded chiefs and carried them home, erecting at a short 
distance from camp a sick-lodge, in which the wounded were at- 
tended by a Mita''', Shaman. Fearing that Manabush might return 
to complete his work of destroying the two bear chiefs, the §.-na'- 
maq-ki'*' began the erection of a net- work of strands of basswood, 
which was to enclose the entire sick-lodge. When Manabush came 
near the camp of the a-na'-maq-ki'*' he met an old woman carrying 
a bundle of basswood bark upon her back and asked her, ** Grand- 
mother, what have you upon your back ? ' ' The old woman replied, 
" You are Manabush and wish to kill me.'* '* No," he replied, " I 
am not Manabush, for if I were Manabush I should have killed you 
at once, without asking you a question.'* So, having quieted the 
old woman* s fears, she began to relate to Manabush all of the 
troubles which had befallen the a-na'-maq-ki"', and said, " We have 
built a net-work of strands of basswood bark around the wigwam in 
which the bear chiefs are lying sick ; so that if Manabush should 
come to kill them he would have to cut his way through it, which 
would cause it, to shake when the a-na'-maq-ki"' would discover and 
kill him. We have only a little more of the net-work to make, when 
it will be complete/* The old woman also told Manabush that she 
herself was the Meta" who attended to the two chiefs, and that no 
other person was permitted to enter the wigwam. 

When Manabush heard all this he struck the old woman and killed 
her, after which he removed her skin and got into it himself, took 
the bundle of basswood bark upon his back, and in this disguise 
passed undetected into the sick-lodge. Here he found the two bear 
chiefs with the arrow-shafts still protruding from their bodies. 
Manabush then took hold of the shaft of the arrow protruding from 
the body of the silvery-white bear chief and, thrusting it deeper into 



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July 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OF THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 253 

the wound, killed him. Then he killed the gray bear chief in the 
same way, after which he skinned both bodies, dressed the skins, 
and rolled them into a bundle. When Manabtish was ready to de- 
part he went out of the wigwam through the opening left by the old 
woman, and when he reached the extreme outside end of the net- 
work he shook it violently to let the i-n^'-maq-ki"' know that he had 
been there and had accomplished the destruction of his chief enemies. 
The a-na'-maq-ki"' at once pursued Manabush, as did also the waters, 
which flowed out of the earth at many places. Manabush, fearing 
to be overtaken, at once ascended the highest mountain in view, 
the waters closely pursuing him. Upon the summit he found a gi- 
gantic pine tree, which he climbed to the very top. The waters soon 
reached him, and then he called out to the tree to grow twice its 
height, which it did ; but soon the waters were again at his feet, 
when he again caused the tree to grow twice its original height. In 
time the waters rose to where Manabush was perched, and he again 
caused the tree to grow twice its original height, to which in time 
the waters again made their way. A fourth time Manabush caused 
the tree to grow, and for the fourth time the water rose up until it 
reached his arm-pits. Then Manabush called to the Good Spirit 
for help, saying that as he had been sent to the earth he begged for 
help against the anger of the a-na'-maq-ki"'. 

The Good Spirit caused the waters to cease their pursuit, and 
then Manabush looked around him and found only small animals 
struggling in the water, seeking for a foothold, which was nowhere 
visible. 

Presently Manabush observed the otter, and he called to him and 
said, "Otter, come to me and be my brother; dive down into the 
water and bring up some earth, that I may make a new world." 
The Otter dived down into the water, where he remained for a long 
time ; but when he returned to the surface Manabush saw him float- 
ing with his belly uppermost, and knew that the Otter was dead. 
Then Manabush looked around and saw the Beaver swimming upon 
the surface of the water, and said : " Beaver, come to me and be my 
brother ; dive down into the water and bring up some earth, that I 
may make a new world.*' The Beaver dived down into the water 
and tried to reach the bottom. After a long interval Manabush 
saw him floating upon the surface, belly uppermost, and then knew 
that he too had failed to reach the bottom. Again Manabush looked 
about to see who could accomplish the feat, when he saw the Mink 



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254 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

and said : " Mink, come to me and be my brother ; dive down into 
the water and bring up some earth, that I may make a new world.'* 
Then the Mink disappeared beneath the water, where he remained 
for a long time, and when he reappeared he was floating with his 
belly uppermost, and Manabush knew that the Mink also had 
perished. 

Manabush looked about once more and saw only the Muskrat, when 
he called out and said : "Muskrat, come to me and be my brother ; 
dive down into the water and bring up some earth, that I may make 
a new world." The Muskrat immediately complied with the wish 
of Manabush and dived down into the water. He remained so long 
beneath the surface that Manabush thought he could not return 
alive, and when he did come to the surface it was with the belly 
uppermost. Then Manabush took the Muskrat in his hands and 
found adhering to the fore paws a minute quantity of earth. Then 
Manabush held the muskrat up, blew upon him, and restored him to 
life. Then Manabush rubbed between his palms the particle of 
earth and scattered it broadcast, when the new earth was formed 
and trees appeared. Then Manabush thanked the Muskrat and told 
him his people should always be numerous, and have enough to eat, 
wherever he should choose to live. 

Then Manabush found the Badger, to whom he gave the skin of 
the gray bear chief, which he wears to this day, retaining the skin 
of the silvery-white bear chief for his own use. 

The Origin of Fire and the Canoe. 

Manabush, when he was still a youth, once said to his grand- 
mother Nokomis, ** Grandmother, it is cold here and we have no 
fire ; let me go and pjet some.'* Nok6mis endeavored to dissuade 
him from such a perilous undertaking, but he insisted upon it ; so 
he made a canoe of bark, and, once more assuming the form 
of a Rabbit, started toward the east, across a large body of water, 
where dwelt an old man who had fire. As the Rabbit approached 
the island it was still night ; so he went on shore and traveled along 
until he came in sight of the sacred wigwam of the old man. This 
old man had two daughters, who, when they emerged from the 
sacred wigwam, saw a little Rabbit, wet and cold, and carefully tak- 
ing it up they carried it into the sacred wigwam, where they set it 
down near the fire to warm. 



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July 1880.] MYTHOLOGY OP THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 255 

The Rabbit was permitted to remain near the fire while the girls 
went about the sacred wigwam to attend to their duties. The Rab- 
bit then hopped a little nearer toward the fire, to endeavor to grasp 
a coal, but as he moved the earth shook and disturbed the old man, 
who was slumbering. The old man said, ** My daughters, what 
causes this disturbance? ** The daughters said it was nothing ; that 
they were only trying to dry and warm a poor little rabbit which 
they had found. When the two girls were again occupied, the Rab- 
bit grasped a stick of burning wood and ran with all speed toward 
the place where he had left his canoe, closely pursued by the girls 
and the old man. The Rabbit reached his canoe in safety and 
pushed off, hastening with all speed toward his grandmother's home. 
The velocity of the canoe caused such a current of air that the fire- 
brand began to burn fiercely ; so by the time he reached shore No- 
k6mis, who had been awaiting the Rabbit's return, saw that sparks 
of fire had burned his skin in various places. She immediately took 
the fire from him, and then dressed his wounds, after which they 
soon healed. The Thunderers received the fire from Nok6mis, and 
have had the care of it ever since. 

Ka-ktZ-e-n^j the Jumper, and the Origin of Tobacco. 

One day Manabush was passing by a high mountain, when he per- 
ceived a delightful odor, which seemed to come from a crevice in 
the cliffs. Upon going closer he found the mountain inhabited by 
a Giant, who was known to be the keeper of the tobacco. Manabush 
then went to the mouth of a cavern and entered. Following a pass- 
age which led down into the very center of the mountain, he found a 
large chamber occupied by the Giant, who asked him in a very stern 
manner what he wanted. . Manabush replied that he had come for 
some tobacco, but was told that he would have to come again in 
one year from that time, as the spirits had just been there for their 
smoke, and that ceremony occurred but once a year. Manabush, 
upon looking around the chamber, observed great quantities of bags 
filled with tobacco, one of which he snatched and darted out of the 
mountain, closely pursued by the Giant. Manabush took to the 
mountain tops and leaped from peak to peak, but the giant followed 
so rapidly that when Manabush finally came to a peak, the opposite 
of which presented a high vertical cliff, he suddenly lay down flat 
upon the rocks, while the Giant leaped over him and down into the 



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256 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

chasm beyond. The Giant was much bruised, but managed to climb 
up the face of the cliff until he almost reached the summit, where 
he hung, as his finger-nails had all worn off. Then Manabush 
grasped the giant by the back, drew him up and threw him vio- 
lently to the ground and said, " For your meanness you shall become 
Kla-ku'-e-ne"', the Jumper (or grasshopper^, and you shall be known 
by your stained mouth. You shall become the pest of those who 
raise tobacco." 

Then Manabush took the tobacco and divided it amongst his 
brothers and younger brothers, giving to each some of the seed, that 
they might never be without the means of having this plant for 
their use and enjoyment. 

Manabush and the Birds. 

While Manabush was once walking along a lake shore, tired and 
hungry, he observed a long narrow sand bar, which extended far 
out into the water, all around which were myriads of water fowl. 
Then Manabush decided to secure a feast. He had with him only 
his medicine bag ; so he re-entered the brush and hung it upon a 
tree, now called *• Manabush Tree/* and procured a quantity of 
bark, which he rolled into a bundle, took it upon his back, returned 
to the shore, and there, slowly walking along in sight of the birds, 
pretended to pass on. Some of the swans and ducks moved away 
from the shore, having recognized Manabush and being afraid of 
him. 

One of the swans called out, ** Ho ! Manabush, where are you 
going ? *' He replied, " I am going to have a song. As you may 
see, I have all my songs with me." Manabush then called out to 
the birds, ** Come to me, my brothers, and let us sing and dance." 
The birds assented and returned to the shore, when all retreated a 
short distance away from the lake to an open space where they could 
dance. Then Manabush put his bundle of bark down upon the 
ground, got out his singing sticks, and said to the birds : " Now, 
all of you dance around me as I drum ; sing as loudly as you can, 
and keep your eyes closed. The first one to open his eyes will for- 
ever have them red and sore." Then Manabush began to beat time 
upon his bundle of bark, while the birds, with eyes closed, began 
to circle around him, singing as loud as they could. Beating time 
with one hand, Manabush suddenly caught a swan by the neck and 



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July 1890.] MYTHOLOGY OP THE MENOMONI INDIANS. 257 

broke it; but before he had killed the bird it screamed out, where- 
upon Manabush said, "That is right, brothers, sing as loud as you 
can." Then another swan fell a victim; then a goose, and so on 
until the number was greatly reduced. Then the "hell diver** 
(grebe sp, ?) opened his eyes to see why there was less singing than 
at first, and beheld Manabush and the heap of victims, when he cried 
out, " Manabush is killing us ! Manabush is killing us ! *' and imme- 
diately ran for the water, followed by the remainder of the other 
birds. 

As the "hell diver** was a poor runner, Manabush soon caught 
up with him, and said, " I won't kill you, but you shall always have 
red eyes, and be the laughing-stock of all the birds,'* and with that 
gave him a kick which sent him far out into the lake, and knocked 
off his tail, so that he looked just as he does at this day. 

Manabush then gathered up the birds and taking them out upon 
the sand-bar, there buried the bodies, some with their heads pro- 
truding, others with the feet sticking out of the sand, when he built 
a fire that the bodies might be thoroughly cooked. As this would 
require some time, and as Manabush was tired after all his exertions, 
he decided to lie down and sleep ; so, to be informed if any one ap- 
proached, he slapped his thigh and said, " You watch the birds and 
awaken me if any one should come near them ; ** then lying down 
with his back to the fire, he fell asleep. 

After a while a party of Indians came along in their canoes and, 
seeing the feast in store, went to the sand-bar and took out every 
bird which Manabush had so carefully deposited, but put back the 
heads and feet, so that nothing remained upon the surface to indicate 
that the bodies had been disturbed. When the Indians had feasted 
they left, taking with them all that remained. 

Some time after Manabush awoke, and, behig very hungry, went to 
enjoy the fruits of his stratagem. Upon attempting to pull a baked 
swan out of the sand he found nothing but the head and neck, 
which he held in his hand ; then he tried another and found the 
body of that gone also. He met with disappointment in every in- 
stance. But who could have robbed him ? Then he struck his thigh 
and asked, " Who has been here to rob me of my feast. Did I not 
command you to watch while I slept? ** His thigh responded, '* I 
also fell asleep, as I was very tired ; but I see some people moving 
rapidly away in their canoes, and think they were the thieves. I 
see they are very dirty and poorly dressed.*' Then Manabush ran 
33 



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258 THE AMEEICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

out to the point of the sand-bar and beheld the people in their 
canoes, just disappearing around a point of land ; then he called to 
them and reviled them, calling them ** Win'nibe'go ! Winnibe'go ! " 
This is how the Menomoni have ever since designated their 
thievish neighbors. 



The "Whizzing- Stick*' or "Bull- Roarer*' on the West 
Coast of Africa. — Governor Maloney, of Lagos (west coast of 
Africa), in his article on the Melodies of the People of West Africa, 
describes the ceremonial use of this well-known object, particularly 
among the Egbas (people of Abbeokuta) (Journal of the Manchester 
Geographical Society, Vol. 5, p. 293). * * * "The Oro drums 
* * * are used with the Oro stick to proclaim meetings of the 
Oro Society * * * convened for the trial of public offenders, 
for the consideration of State questions, etc. Here a description 
of Oro may not be out of place. It represents the active embodi- 
ment of the civil power, its mysterious head or idol. It has been 
interpreted as the executive of the State deified. The Oro stick, 
by which proclamation also takes place, is comprised of a stick re- 
sembling the handle of a whip, from the thin end of which is sus- 
pended, by means of a piece of string of some native fibre, a fiat, 
thin tongue-shaped piece of wood about five inches long and two 
inches broad. 

"The Egbas (Yorubas) resort pre-eminently to this practice, and 
when ' Oro is out' all women, under pain of death, are obliged to 
remain shut up in their homes. The greatest reverence is extended 
to this instrument. I have seen even persons professing to be 
Christians awe-struck Tn its presence. By means of the handle of 
the Oro stick the tongue is given a rapid circular motion in the air, 
and this causes a weird noise, not unlike that we hear on stormy 
nights when the wind is playing down the chimneys. When such 
a noise is heard Oro is said to be out.** 

This instrument is thus one of the most solemn ceremony, as 
has been observed among the Australians and other savages. Curi- 
ously enough, among the Eskimos of northwestern Alaska, where 
Hie " whizzing-stick** is common, it is as purely a child*s toy as it 
is among civilized people. 

John Murdoch. 



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July 1890.] COSUMNES TRIBES OP CALIFORNIA. 259 

NOTES ON THB COSUMNES TRIBES OF CALIFORNIA. 

BY JAMES MOONEY. 

The following notes respecting the Cosumnes of California were 
obtained from Col. Z. A. Rice, of Atlanta, Georgia, who went to 
California in 1850 and spent several years in the immediate vicinity 
of the tribe, which formerly lived in the Sacramento basin, but iS 
now practically extinct, having melted away like snow before the 
pitiless onset of the gold-hunter. 

The Indians went almost naked, dressing being reserved for festive 
and ceremonial occasions. They were very fond of nose and ear 
rings, shell and stone beads, and paint. Their houses were of bark, 
sometimes thatched with grass and covered with earth. The bark 
was loosened from the trees by repeated blows with stone hatchets, 
the latter having the head fastened to the. handle by means of deer 
sinews. Their ordinary weapons were bows and stone (chert) tipped 
arrows. The women made finely woven, conical baskets of grass, 
the smaller ones being used to hold water, while a larger kind was 
slung upon the back by means of a band pressing over the forehead, 
and was used in gathering seeds and grasshoppers. Like most 
Indians they were very fond of dogs, and there was always a large 
pack of yelping mongrel curs at every rancheria or hanging on the 
outskirts at dance gatherings and other public meetings. 

Their food included almost everything — from pine nuts to clover 
tops and from grizzly bears to grasshoppers. They were fond of 
the nutritious seeds of the nut pine, which on this account was. 
known as the ** digger pine " by the miners. As the trunks of 
these trees are frequently without branches to a height of thirty or 
forty feet from the ground, the Indians ascended them by means of 
spliced poles long enough to reach to the first limbs. The pole was 
held in place by Indians on the ground, while an expert climber 
ascended and beat off the pine cones with a short pole. In the clover 
season, when the meadows were bright with pink and white blossoms, 
whole rancherias went out literally to graze, and the Indians might 
be seen lying prone in the herbage, masticating the clover tops like 
so many cattle. Wild oats also were abundant, and likewise were 
eaten raw. ' 



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260 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Another herb, known to the miners as " wild coUard/' was boiled 
and eaten as greens. The mode of boiling was peculiar and closely 
resembles the method best known from its practice by the Assini- 
boins. A hole was dug in the the earth and plastered on the inside 
with wet clay, so as to form a rude kind of pot. Into this the 
herbs were put and covered with water, which was carried to the 
spot in grass-woven baskets. Next a fire was built and stones 
heated, which were then dipped quickly into a basket of water to 
remove the ashes, and put into the pot. In a few moments the 
water boiled and the mess was cooked. 

The grasshopper hunt was a great event in Digger society, and 
was conducted in a very systematic manner. A whole settlement 
would turn out and begin operations by starting a number of small 
fires at regular intervals in a circle through the woods, guiding 
the flame by raking up the pine needles, and stamping out the fire 
when it spread too far. When the fires burned out there was left 
a narrow strip of bare ground enclosing a circular area of several 
acres, within which the game was confined. A large fire was then 
kindled at a point inside of the circle, taking advantage of the direc- 
tion of the wind, and allowed to spread unchecked. The men, armed 
with bows and arrows and accompanied by their dogs, kept to the 
windward in front of the fire and shot down the rabbits and other 
small animals as the heat drove them from cover, while the women, 
with their conical baskets on their backs, followed up the fire to 
gather up the grasshoppers, which merely had their wings singed by 
the fire, but were not killed. As a squaw picked up a hopper she 
crushed its head between her thumb and finger to kill it, and then 
tossed it over her shoulder into the basket. 

When the hunt was over, a hole about two feet deep was dug in 
the c:ii th and filled with bark, which was then set on fire. When 
the heat was most intense the coals were raked out and the grass- 
hoppers thrown in and thus roasted. Colonel Rice has even seen • 
the Indians eat the grasshoppers alive, merely taking the precaution 
to pull off the rough legs, which might have a tendency to tickle 
the throat. Quails, fish, and squirrels were also roasted whole, 
although the fastidious savage always dipped them in water to 
remove the ashes and cool the meats before beginning his meal. 

Their amusements were dancing, foot-ball, and card games, the 
latter adopted from the whites. In 1851 the natives on Dry creek, 
near Fiddletown, held a great dance. In its general features the 



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July 1890.] COSUMNES TRIBES OF CALIFORNIA. 261 

performance, which seemed to be some kind of a war dance, re- 
sembled Indian dances all over the continent. It was held in the 
open air, when the ground was parched and dry from long drouth — 
the dancers, men -and women, moving around in a circle singing 
monotonous chants, occasionally varied by a chorus of yells. The 
nien carried bows and arrows in their hands, while the women 
wore rattles of terrapin shells upon their legs. These shells were 
filled with pebbles and fastened upon a strip of fiir which was belted 
on at the knee and ankle precisely like those which the writer has 
seen worn by the Cherokees, excepting that on the Cosumnes and 
Moquelumne rivers the shells were arranged in a single row instead 
of in a square pattern. In the slower movements of the dance the 
terrapin rattles make no sound, but when the women stamp the noise 
sounds like that of buckshot falling into a tin pan. The orchestral 
accompaniment was of the most primitive sort. Some of the per- 
formers simply carried a couple of sticks which they struck together, 
keeping time with the chorus. The drum was a half section of a 
hollow log, placed on the ground with the convex side up, while 
several stout fellows in moccasined feet stood upon it and stamped 
in unison with the general din. As the ground was dry and the 
dancers circled round and round in the same path, singing, yelling, 
and stamping, clouds of dust rose and settled upon their faces and 
bodies, while the streams of perspiration, trickling down in furrows 
through the paint and dirt, made them look like so many devils. 

The dance, of course, was a religious ceremonial, and during its 
progress my informant noticed two Indians, a man and his wife, 
sitting a short distance apart from the dancers, rocking their bodies 
from side to side and uttering low piteous moans, while the tears 
streamed down their faces and their whole manner betokened the 
most abject grief. On questioning an interpreter it was found that 
their only child was lying at home dangerously ill ; that th^y had 
exhausted every remedy and performed every rite known to the 
shamans without avail, and now, as a last resort, they had come 
here to weep and pray until the sun went down that their loved one 
might not be taken away from them. It was the one touch that 
brought red and white alike to the level of a common humanity. 

Their foot-ball game was more properly a foot-race.* Two par- 
allel tracks were laid off and each party had its own ball. Two 

* See account of Zufti Foot-Race p. 225. 



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262 TUB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOUST. [Vol. III. 

athletic young fellows, representing the two contending parties, took 
their stand at one end, each with a ball on the ground in front of 
him, and at the signal each kicks it along his respective track towards 
the goal. All along the line were stationed relays- of players, whose 
duty it was to assist in getting the ball through. It was a rough- 
and-tumble game to see who should kick the ball, for no one was 
allowed to touch it with his hand. Two posts were put up at each 
end of the track and the ball must be driven between these posts. 
Betting was heavy, the stakes being Indian trinkets of all kinds, 
and judges and stake-holders presided with a great deal of dignity. 
The score was kept by means of an even number of short sticks, 
and as each player drove the ball home he drew out one of the 
sticks, and so on until the game was won. It was a very exciting 
play and aroused as much interest as does a horse race among the 
whites. 

Their principal deity seemed to be the sun, and the women had 
a ceremony somewhat resembling the sun dance of the upper Mis- 
souri tribes. The petitioner took her position at daybreak, sitting 
upon the ground, with eyes intently fixed upon the sun, and tears 
streaming down her cheeks. She continued to send up prayers and 
lamentations all day, turning her body with the sun until it sank 
below the western hills in the evening. 

The dead were buried in the earth, although farther south, beyond 
the Moquelumne river, among tribes of different linguistic stock, 
instances of scaffold burial were observed. The women, as was 
natural, were the most demonstrative in their grief. On the death 
of a relative they cut off their hair and smeared their faces with 
pine pitch and soot. For months after the funeral they paid ixiriodic 
visits to the grave, lamenting as if over a new bereavement, while 
they placed offerings of beads upon the grave and poured libations 
of water upon the green turf. 



'The Greenlanders. — Ausland for January 27, 1890, publishes 
some observations on the Greenlanders from the journal of a Danish 
missionary. They contain but little technographical information, 
but are chiefly interesting for the view they give of the relations be- 
tween the missionary and his converts in regard to the old heathen 
customs, such as witchcraft, blood -feud, etc. (Z>/V Gronldnder. 
Nach dent tagcbuch eines missionars aus dem Ddnischen, Ausland, 
Vol. 63, p. 66-71.) John Murdoch. 



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July 1890.] INDIAN PERSONAL NAMES. 263 



INDIAN PERSONAL NAMES. 

BY J. OWEN DORSEY. 

At the Ann Arbor meeting of this Association, in 1885, it was 
the writer's privilege to read a \yaiper on the subject of Indian Per- 
sonal Names. This was published in full in Vol. 34 of the Proceed- 
ings. A letter from Professor Chamberlin, of Toronto, induced the 
writer to undertake the preparation of an extensive monograph on 
the same subject, which will be published by the Bureau of Ethnology. 

There will be six lists, in which the Indian names will precede 
their English meanings : Winnebago, consisting of 380 names ; 
Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, of 506 names; Kwapa, of 15; Osage, of 
470; Kansa, of 593; and Omaha and Ponka, of 1,182, making a 
total of 3,146 names gained by the writer from members of the 
tribes mentioned. All these tribes have their gentes named after 
animals. 

It is the wish of the writer to collate the names of these six lists 
with those of the Dakota, Assiniboin, and other Siouan tribes, as 
given in the schedules of the census of 1880. All such names 
mentioned in this paper are taken from the schedules of that census. 

Each of the six lists will have its names in the original Indian, 
arranged in alphabetical order and numbered consecutively, without 
regard to the other Indian-English lists. Each Indian-English list 
will be preceded by an account of the gentes of the tribe or tribes 
using the names, and a list of abbreviations. In the list itself will be 
several columns : i, the number of the personal name; 2, the gens, 
and sometimes the sub-gens, in which it is found ; 3, the animal 
name, etc., associated with the gens or sub-gens ; 4, the sex of the 
person bearing the name ; 5, the name in the original, with its 
English meaning. Cross-references will be made whenever prac- 
ticable. Two examples are given of the beginnings of these lists. 



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264 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Tciwere {Iowa, Oto, and Missouri) List, 



Iowa 
gens. 


Oto and 
Mo. gens. 


Animal 
name. 


Sex. 


• 
Personal name. 




( ) 




m. 


A-he^ a-ki-we^-nun» He Ooes Running 
to the HUL Mary La Fl^he said 
that this was a feminine name. 




Tee. 


Eagle, etc. 


m. 


A-hu^ tha-ke, Hard (f) Wings. 




( ) 




m. 


A-hu^ the^-we, Black Winga, 




P. 


Beaver. 


m. 


A-hu^thi, Yellow Wings, 



Winnebago List. 



Gens. 


Animal name. 


Sex. 


Personal name. 


Wn. 


Bird. 


f. 


A-hu^ ki-shi'-ne win'-ke, Young-hird- 
thnt-aheds- its 'first - feathers- as - it- 
fiaps'its Wings Female. 


Wn. 


Ditto. 


f. 


A-hu^ ki-pa^ra win^-ke, (Bird with) 
Wings Spread Female. Said of a 
young bird just learning to fly. 


Wn.-W. 


Thunder-bird. 


m. 


A-hu^ man pa^-ka, He who Hits the 
Ground with his Wings, Refers to 
a cloud. 



In giving the explanations of names, references will be made to 
the myths. For example, Pasi duba. Four Peaks ^ a masculine name, 
suggests incidents in several Omaha myths. In the myth of Ha- 
ghi-ge, He-ga, the Buzzard, tells how he had to pass over four fiat- 
topped peaks before he was taken to prescribe for the wounded water- 
monsters. In the same myth, when Ha-ghi-ge was about to take 
up the fourth stone to be used in the sweat-bath, he addressed the 
stone thus: ** On iht four peaks, venerable man, may I come in 
sight with my young ones!" In the myth of the Bear-girl the 
four brothers fled with their little sister, and had passed over four 
peaks before the other sister, the Bear-girl, came in sight. 



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July 1890.] INDIAN PERSONAL NAMES. 265 

The English-Indian list will contain all of the 3,146 names, ar- 
ranged in alphabetical order. Some examples are given : 

Ancestral (or HaHgd), Female, Han'-ga mi (Kansa). 

Han'-ka win (Osage). 
Huft'-e mi (Tciwere). 

Chief y Ga-hi'-ge (Ponka and Omaha). 
Ga-hin'-ge (Kansa). 
Ka-hi'-ke (Osage and Tciwere). 

Female Difficult to be Seen, A-ta tshe-khi mi (Tciwere). 

Ha-tsha tshe-khi win-ke (Winnebago). 

The writer has found no name in the first or second person, though 
two names of this character appear in the census schedules. These 
were probably mistakes of the recorder, or else they were given 
intentionally by unscrupulous interpreters. 

A study of the six lists referred to above, in connection with those 
of the San tee, Sisseton and Warpeton, Yankton, and Assiniboin, 
has resulted in the discovery of certain classes of names, such as 
color names, iron names, whirlwind names, and the names of com- 
posite beings. 

Color Names, — The writer suspects that some of the color names 
have a mythical or symbolic meaning. For instance, we find these 
Elk names: White, Black, Spotted, Red, Scarlet, Gray, and Yel- 
low. Buffalo names: Black, White (an albino), Yellow, Spotted, 
and Gray. Grizzly bear names: Black, White, Brown or Dark 
Gray, Gray, Red, and Scarlet. Wolf names : Black, White, Gray, 
Scarlet. Thunder-bird names: Black, White, Distant-white, Yellow, 
Yellowish Brown or Dark Gray, Green or Blue, and Scarlet. Eagle 
names: Black, White, Spotted, Gray, •Yellow, Red, and Scarlet. 
Hawk names : White, Black, Brown, Gray, and Red. The Assini- 
boin have Scarlet Crane and Green Cormorant. The Winnebago 
have Black, White, Green, and Yellow Snake, the last being the 
rattlesnake. The Santee have Scarlet Claws, and the Yankton, 
Scarlet Hoofs. Scarlet Moccasins, Scarlet Tip-end (formerly a 
Santee name, Iftkpa-duta), Scarlet Iron, and Scarlet Hail. The 
Santee have Scarlet Indian Carriage, Scarlet Medicine, and Scarlet 
Pine. Scarlet Eyes is a Yankton name. Other Santee names are : 
Scarlet Dawn, Yellow Dawn, Spotted Sun, Scarlet Night, Black 
Lightning, Green Star, Scarlet Star, and Green Eggs. Yellow 
Lightning is a Sisseton and Warpeton name. White-Haired Female, 
Red-Haired Female, Green-Haired Female, and Yellow-Haired Fe- 
34 



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266 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

male point to the myth of the Badger's Son. In like manner the 
masculine names corresponding to the four just given recall the myth 
of the Chief's Son and the Thunderers, the latter being four old 
men with large heads, one having white hair, one red, one green, 
and one yellow. It is very probable that four of these colors — ^black 
or red, white, green or blue, and yellow — are associated in mythology 
with the four winds, as is the case among the Zufti, Navajo, and 
other tribes in the southwest, and the Carolina Cherokee, according 
to Mr. Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology. Among the Omaha, 
according to Mr. Francis La Fl^he, red is the color symbolizing 
the east. In "Omaha Sociology" the writer has given a sketch 
of the tent of A-ga-ha-wa-shu-she, an Omaha. It will be found as 
Plate XXXI in the Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 
1882. On the tent are four parallel zigzag lines, of different colors, 
evidently representing four kinds of lightning. The o\nier of the 
tent was a member of the Black Bear people, who united with the 
Elk people in the worship of the thunder. 

Iron Names, — Maza, in Dakota; ma°zS, in Omaha, Ponka, and 
Kansa ; manse, in Osage ; man the, in Tciwere, and maza-ri or mas, 
in Winnebago, are now translated ** iron " or ** metal." But can 
that be the true rendering in any or all of the following names ? 
It is very improbable. The writer must confess his ignorance of 
the archaic meaning of the term. Up to the present time he has 
found the following *' Iron " names, though there may be others: 
Ate oye maza, was rendered ** Father Iron Track " by the census 
enumerator, under the notion that ate always means '* father;" 
but there is another "ate," a synonym of **ato," to become green 
or blue on, so this name mgy mean " Track Becomes Blue on it ; " 
Bad Iron ; Buffalo Bull with Iron Horns ; Climbs Iron ; Comes 
Home and Stands after Naming Iron; Distant-white Iron Female ; 
Female who Carries Iron home ; Female who Dwells-in Iron ; Fe- 
male who Jumps-on Iron ; Female who Knocks-down Iron ; Female 
who Opens Iron ; Female who Sits Viewing Iron ; Female who 
Smokes Iron (in a pipe) ; Four Iron Female; Good Iron Female; 
Growing Iron ; Half Iron ; Her Bare Iron ; Her Good Iron Female ; 
Her Iron Pipe Female ; His Iron Bow ; His Rattling Iron (His 
Bell, Tamaza-hdahda) ; Iron; Iron Appears; Iron Bar; Iron 
Blanket Female ; Iron Boulder ; Iron Buffalo ; Iron Cedar ; Iron 
Claws ; Iron Claws Female ; Iron Cloud ; Iron Coming out in the 
same place Female ; Iron Day ; Iron Dog ; Iron Door ; Iron Door 



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July 1890.] INDIAN PERSONAL NAMES. 267 

Female ; Iron Elk ; Iron Eyes (of an eagle) ; Iron Eyes (of an elk) ; 
Iron Female ; Iron Guardian Spirit ; Iron Hawk ; Iron Hawk Fe- 
male ; Iron Head ; Iron Heart ; Iron Hoop ; Iron Horn ; Iron in 
the Face; Iron Is-retuming Crying-aloud ; Iron Kills-them; Iron 
I^ggins; Iron Legs; Iron Lightning; Iron Lightning Female; 
Iron Lodge ; Iron Lodge Female ; Iron Lying In-sight ; Iron Man 
(or Iron Indian) ; Iron Mane ; Iron Nation ; Iron Necklace ; Iron 
Night Female ; Iron Preparing-herself Female ; Iron Quill-feathers ; 
Iron Road ; Iron Road Female ; Iron Second-son ; Iron Shield ; Iron 
Shirt; Iron Star; Iron Star Female; Iron Striking-itself; Iron 
Tracks or Iron Trail; Iron Tracks Female; Iron Thunderbird; 
Iron Tusk ; Iron Upon-her Female ; Iron Voice ; Iron Walks Cry- 
ing-aloud; Iron Whip; Iron Wind; Iron Wings; Female who 
Kicks-a-hole-in Iron ; Makes Iron sound with his foot (by kicking, 
jumping, etc.) ; Mazahuha naji", probably. Standing Iron Legs ; 
Ma°-ze-da°, an archaic Omaha name, masculine, apparently refers to 
ma^ze, now rendered, iron ; Ma°-ze wa-ji", meaning not gained, an 
archaic feminine Ponka name; Female who Named Iron; Noisy 
Iron ; Female who Plays with Iron ; Rattling Iron Female ; rat- 
tling here is sna, not hdahda ; Returning Iron ; Revolving Iron ; 
Running Iron ; Sending Iron ; Shows Iron ; Sliding Iron Female ; 
Small Iron Eagle ; Small Iron Mallard ; Small Iron Wings ; Soft 
(?) Iron; Spotted Iron; Standing White Iron; Sweet-Smelling 
Iron Female ; Taps the Iron ; Thrown Iron Female ; Turns Iron ; 
Two Iron Female ; Walks-on Iron ; Female who Walks-on Iron ; 
Wings with Iron in the middle ; Woman with Iron Hair ; Yellow 
Iron (brass?). 

Whirlwind Names. -^Yzxi^ Whirlwind ; Gray Whirlwind ; Gray 
Whirlwind Female ; Grizzly-Bear Whirlwind ; Scarlet Whirwind. 

Nation or Oyate Names of the Dakota, — Female who made the 
Nation ; Good Nation ; Her Mysterious Nation ; His Large Nation ; 
His Nation ; Iron Nation ; Rattling Nation ; Scarlet Nation. 

Tunkan or Stone- God Names of the Santee Dakota, — Beautiful 
Tunkan ; Female who Hears the Tunkan ; Female who Prays-to 
the Tunkan ; Female who Rattles the Tunkan ; Female who shakes 
the Tunkan often; Female who Steps-on the Tunkan; Female 
Stepped-on by the Tunkan ; Four-cornered Tunkan Female ; Many 
Tunkan ; Moving Tunkan Female ; Mysterious Tunkan ; Plays-on 
the Tunkan ; Singing Tunkan ; Tunkan Comes Rattling and Lies- 
down Female ; Tunkan Man (/. ^., Tunkan Indian man) ; Tunkan 
Moving-itself Female. 



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268 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Thunder-being Names, — Eagle Thunder-being ; Hawk Thunder- 
being; Pigeon Thunder-being; Buffalo-bull Thunder-being ; Grizzly 
bear Thunder-being ; Fire Thunder-being ; Left-handed Thunder- 
being ; Soldier Thunder-being ; Venerable-man Thunder-being. 
Other Thunder-being names have been given among the color names. 

Composite Animal Names. — Crow Dog; Grizzly-bear Eagle; Horse 
Eagle ; Cloud Eagle ; Moon Hawk Female ; Buffalo-bull Eagle ; 
Male-of-the-Indian-race Eagle, or Man Eagle; Venerable-man 
Eagle; Thunder-being Woman. 

Genealogical Tables, — The monograph will end with several gene- 
alogical tables of Omaha and Ponka. In each table a few affinities 
will be represented as well as consanguinities. That of the Real 
Osage sub-gens of the Ponka tribe contains 191 names, extending 
through seven generations. Were the writer to prepare a copy of 
this genealogical table on a scale large enough for exhibition 
the chart would be forty feet in length. The table illustrates 
not only the subject of Indian personal names, but also the 
kinship system and marriage laws of the people ; and the other 
tables agree with it. For at least six generations a Ponka has been 
at liberty to marry into any gens excepting those of his parents and 
grandparents. It has been inferred by some students that at some 
past time, if not now, the Ponka, Omaha, and their kindred tribes 
were forbidden to marry into gentes, say, on the same side of the 
tribal circle, or constituting a common brotherhood or phratry, and 
that there was a group of gentes from which one was obliged tp 
select his wife ; but the writer finds no traces of such a custom. 

Among the questions suggested by this paper is one that deserves 
careful investigation : Did the Dakota or Sioux ever have animal 
names for their gentes ? The writer has put the question to several 
white missionaries, as well as to Indians, and there has been but one 
answer : *' The Dakota have no animal names for their gentes, and 
no tribal or clan taboo. Each man has his personal taboo. While 
some Dakota divisions are seemingly named after animal taboos, 
as Those who eat no dogs, Those who eat no geese, and Those 
who eat no buffalo, the members of the divisions thus named are 
i4ot forbidden to eat the dog, goose, or buffalo.'* But while this is 
the case at the present day, has there always been such a difference 
between the Dakota tribes and the others of the same linguistic 
family? Who can tell ? 



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July 1890.] STONE MONUMENTS. 269 



STONE MONUMENTS IN NORTHWESTERN IOWA AND 
SOUTHWESTERN MINNESOTA. 

BY T. H. LEWIS. 

In a paper read before the Anthropological Society of Washing- 
ton, February 5, 1889, I described interesting specimens of certain 
"stone monuments,'* which, from the nature of their material and 
mode of construction, may be termed Bowlder Outline figures. 
Last summer, having occasion to visit the valley of the Big Sioux 
river and the Coteau des. Prairies, to the east of it, I met with a 
number of these interesting remains of prehistoric times and made 
full notes of them, of which the following is a concise account : 

The Big Sioux Valley Locality. — In Lyon county, Iowa, about 
one and a half miles west of Granite Station, on the north side of 
the Sioux Falls Branch of the Burlington, Cedar Rapids and North- 
ern railroad, there is a plateau on which is a large group of mounds, 
which I surveyed on July 29 and 30, 1889. Scattered among these 
mounds, principally near the center of the group, are many bowlder 
outlines, representing circles and ellipses. 

One circle, 34 feet in diameter, has no opening, and the bowlders, 
1 1 1 in number, are laid close together. A portion of the line pas§es 
over the base of a mound. Less than 100 feet distant there is 
another circle, 30 feet in diameter and composed of 67 bowlders. 
There is a small opening on one side about one foot in width, the 
bowlders marking each side of the opening being much larger than 
any of the others forming the circle. The base of one of the 
mounds, which is 60 feet in diameter and 5j4 feet hrgh, is sur- 
rounded by a circle of small bowlders, 134 in number, without 
opening. An elliptical outline, consisting of 167 bowlders, is 124 
feet in length and 36 feet in width. Near by is another of still 
larger dimensions, but somewhat irregular in outline. 

Some circles join others, in which case at the point where they 
unite there is but one line of bowlders, which completes both circles. 
At one place there is a group of seven contiguous circles, all of 
which are connected in this manner. Among the works is a double 
circle formed by two series of bowlders, or one circle within another, 

• 

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270 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

both series being close together. Many of the circles are formed 
of bowlders weighing from 25 to 60 pounds each, and occasionally 
there is one that will weigh 100 pounds or more. There are also 
several circles of small stones, which range from less than two feet 
to six feet in diameter. In all instances the bowlders are imbedded 
to a greater or lesser degree in the soil, some being not more than 
half exposed, while only the tops of others are visible above the 
surface. 

Just south of the railroad track, and opposite the monuments 
described, there is a large inclosure or fort of the mound-builders' 
times, with low walls, the surface of which within shows every evidence 
of former occupancy ; but, strange to relate, there is no evidence of 
bowlder circles there. There were some circles outside, but none 
inside the fort. North of the railroad, less than one mile from the 
preceding locality, near the edge of a high plateau, there was for- 
merly another group of bowlder outlines, many of which have been 
destroyed. Noticing a few bowlders protruding above the surface 
and forming the segment of a circle, I procured a pick and shovel 
apd made an investigation in order to ascertain if the remainder of 
the bowlders could not be accounted for, and the search was not 
fruitless. I found that about three-quarters of th^ bowlders, which 
formed a circle 33 feet in diameter, had sunk beneath the surface or 
had been covered up by the soil, the depth of which above them 
varied from one to eight inches. 

The Coteau des Prairies Locality. — In the western part of 
Murray county, Minnesota, there is a series of conspicuous hills, 
knolls, and ridges, which are irregularly grouped, and the highest 
points of which rise some 200 feet above the lowest surrounding val- 
leys. That portion of these elevations lying south of the Pipestone 
branch of theC, St. P., M. & O. R. R. was known to the Indians 
as Buffalo Ridge, and it still retains the name. The top of this ridge 
is some two miles in' length, running in a general course from north- 
west to southeast through sections 16 and 21 of township 106, range 
43, and finally terminating on all sides in lower spurs and terraces, 
the base of the whole ridge covering perhaps three square miles. 

On the highest knoll there is a series of bowlder outlines, mostly 
formed of small stones. The best preserved of these figures appar- 
ently represents a buffalo, as shown in the accompanying diagram. 
It heads to the northeast, and its greatest length is nearly twelve 
feet. The horns are nicely rounded and one of them is formed by 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



July 1890.] STONE MONUMENTS. 271 

a double row of stones. Between the outlines of the head there is 
a large bowlder, about two-thirds of which is exposed and which 
fills out the head, njaking it practically solid. Between the outlines 
of the body there were formerly one large and two smaller bowlders 
which filled the space. The beds or matrices in which they had 
lain were plainly visible when I made the survey, on August 15, 
1889. These three stones had been removed by some of the settlers, 
probably for building purposes. This figure can scarcely be called 
an "effigy/* but it is so nearly like one that it may be considered 




.o^°-^V 










IN.» i Q 1 2 3 4 5 FT 

Bowlder outline of a Buffalo, Murray Co., Minnesota. 

a connecting link between the effigy mounds proper and the bowlder 
outlines ; yet there is such a radical difference between the two 
extremes that a separate classification is a necessity ; for, while the 
first represents one half of an animate object in bass-relief, as it 
were, and is built solidly of earth, the other is a mere outline formed 
of stones or bowlders. 

But a few feet distant from the ends of the Buffalo's legs there are 
two lines (trails) of small stones 2^ feet asunder and running 
toward what has apparently been a stone heap or cairn, which is 
partially demolished. On the same knoll there are parts of three 
other animals, which, judging from the traces still existing, rep- 
resented different kinds, the outline of no two being exactly alike. 
There were two other trails, each with double lines, one being formed 
with small stones and the other by bowlders weighing from four to 



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272 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

ten pounds each. There were also several small circles from one to 
six feet in diameter, in a good state of preservation, while others that 
had been partially demolished could still be traced. One of the 
undisturbed ones was located a short distance northeast of the Buffalo, 
on the slope of the knoll ; it was two feet in diameter, inside meas- 
usement, and had an opening five inches in width. The largest 
stone among those forming this circle was i^ inches in diameter, 
while nearly all the others were still smaller. All the stones and 
bowlders forming the figures on this knoll were more or less im- 
bedded in the soil, showing that they were not placed there very 
recently. 

Toward the southeast, at the base of the ridge, about one mile 
distant, I discovered some new forms in bowlder work, which may 
be called " pavements." These are not large, being only from two 
to five feet in diameter and composed of bowlders weighing from four 
to eight pounds. Nearly all of these figureis are round, but a few are 
square or nearly so, while occasionally there is one that is irregular in 
outline. The top surface is as nearly even as it is possible to make 
such wofk. In each pavement the bowlders are of one size, or 
nearly so, and they are well bedded in the ground. There are also 
a few small circles and crescents, generally formed by small stones, 
and a few bowlder trails. These different figures are scattered here 
and there, scarcely more than three or four being found together. 

Former Notices and Critical Remarks.— In the paper referred 
to, which was printed in the American Anthropologist for April, 
1889, I overlooked the fact that the explorer, J. N. Nicollet, who 
visited southern Minnesota in 1838, made particular mention of 
such bowlder work in his report, printed in 1845.* The first refer- 
ence is on page 12, as follows: 

'* One mile from the Traverse des Sioux ^ and on the bank of the 
river, are the remains of an Indian camp ; the circular area of which 
is still indicated by the heaps of stones around each lodge. As this 
indicates the existence of a custom no longer in use among the 
Ndakotahs, or Sioux, who have occupied the country for a long time 
back, it is difficylt to assign the true origin of this relic. The 
Sissitons, the fourth tribe of the Ndakotahs, on whose lands these 
relics are found, have no tradition of them.*' 

* Repoit intended to illustrate a map of the Hydrographic Basin of the Upper 
Mississippi River made by J. N. Nicollet, January ii, 1845. Washington, 1845. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



July 1890.] STONE MONUMENTS. 273 

Two pages further on, speaking of the evidence to be found of 
the ** erratic deposite " in the shape of fragments of primitive and 
transition rocks scattered over the Coteau, he says : 

" The Sioux take advantage of these loose materials to erect sig- 
nals on the most elevated spots, or to designate the place by some 
conical structure, where some exhausted hunter has died on the 
prairies, and desires to be buried in a more prominent situation ; 
or they amuse themselves in shaping them into fantastic figures. 
They give names to these localities, which thus serve as landmarks 
in a country where there are no other geographical beacons." 

Again, on the same page, having described a wi-wi, or swamp, 
situated somewhere between the heads of the tchan na tam-be or 
hidden wood and Okshida creeks, he uses the following words: 

*' Lastly, by way of illustration to what I have said above of the 
usages of the Sioux, I may add, that, on the western side of the 
aforesaid wi-wiy and on the most elevated crest of the Coteau, 
there is a great accumulation of the materials belonging to the er- 
ratic deposite, of which they have availed themselves to construct the 
effigy of a man ; so that the spot is called tuyan-witchashta-karapi ; 
in English, the place where has been built up a man of stone." 

On his large map, published in 1842, this particluar figure appears 
marked in the locality described, and is designated ** Stone Man." 
Nicollet does not say that he saw it himself, and his map shows no 
track to it but iYidicates a route passing more directly westward from 
Shetek Lake by the Great Oasis, now Bear Lakes, to the Red 
Pipestone Quarry. He must have been a little too hasty in forming 
his opinion when he so readily considered "bowlder outlines" to 
be the work of the Sioux Indians, especially as it may be seen that 
he held the stone circles at Traverse des Sioux to be much more 
ancient than the Sioux occupancy of that country. 

George Catlin, the painter, had previously visited the Quarry, in 
1836, and he apparenty saw this effigy on his return thence east- 
ward ; for in his "letter" he declares his intention of seeing the 
"Stone man medicine," but there is no further reference to it in 
the book. It may be remarked here that the name he calls it by 
does not favor the idea that the Sioux gave him to understand that 
their people had made this monument. 

Now, it was this Stone Man that I was most anxious to find last 
August, but the search was unsuccessful. The probabilities are that 
it, or rather the bowlders composing it, has been carried off by 

35 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



274 THE AMBBICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

settlers of the neighborhood, wherever that was. There is no doubt 
that it was in existence until within a comparatively recent date ; 
for a reliable man, a Mr. Casey, who was connected with the U. S. 
mail service, told me that he had seen it, and that it was situated 
somewhere on Buffalo Ridge near the Buffalo.* 

There can be no doubt that the Indians used bowlders and stones 
to hoU down the edges of their tents or tepees; and it may be 
further added that the whites have used bowlders for the same pur- 
pose. But the remains of the old Indian camps are not to be taken 
into consideration in this connection for the following reason: 
While bowlders have thus undoubtedly been utilized by the Indians, 
and while they may have formed, in cases, almost a perfect circle 
when in use, yet on the removal of the tent they would naturally be 
pushed or thrown to one side, thus destroying the symmetry of the 
circle. I have seen many Indian camping places where bowlders 
have been used, but have failed to note a single instance where a 
regular circle of stones has been left on their abandonment. If 
the tepee theory be admitted in explanation of the larger circles, 
how explain the very small ones, in which even 2, papoose would find 
it difficult to stretch himself at full length ? 

There is yet need of a great deal of light on the subject of Bowl- 
der outlines. 

SL Paul, Minnesota, May 14, i8po. 



Mutilation of the Teeth Among the Wanyamurzi. — Accord- 
ing to Paul Richard (^Zeitschrifi der Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde, Ber- 
lin, Vol. 24, p. 256) the Wanyamurzi of Central Africa for a tribal 
mark break off the inner corner of each of the middle upper incisors. 
These corners are not filed off, as is usually reported, but split off 
chip by chip by laying a little iron chisel, the length of the finger, 
against the tooth and striking it with a little stick. The operation 
must be very painful, as extremely violent headaches in the back of 
the head result from it. John Murdoch. 

* In the winter of 1854-5 a young man by the name of Northrop, who had 
lived in the tents of the Dakotas more or less, told a friend of mine (Mr. A. J. 
H.) about a stone work he had seen on the western prairies, which was shaped 
like a man. This was most probably the Stone Man of Catlin, Nicollet, and Mr. 
Casey. 



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July 1890.] 



ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



275 



A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY 



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of Lome, nether Lochaber, and the 
neighbourhood. Proc. Soc. Antiq. 
Scotland, Edinb., 1889, xxiii, 368-432. 
— Ciccarelli (A.) Tarde ^ la re- 
sponsabilitii morale. Anomalo, Navwli, 
1889, i, 289-293.— Cars! ter (J. W.) 
Notes on a hoard of silver ornaments 
and coins, discovered in the Island of 
Burray, Orkney. Proc. Soc. Antiq. 
Scotland, Edinb., 1889, xxiii, 318-322. 
— Darapsky (L.) Estudios linguis- 
ticos Americanos. Boletin d. Inst. 



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[Vol. III. 



Geog. Argentino, Buenos Aires, 1889, 
xii, 368-380. — Darwin on the Fue- 
gians and Patagonians. Pop. Sc. 
Month., N. Y., 1889-90, xxxvi, 744- 
750.— De Albertis (O.) Antropo- 
metria di un indigeno del Brasile. 
Ri vista, Genova, 1889, viii, 59-64. — 

Antropometria di un micro- 

cefalo. Ibid,^ 128-134. — De Boeck. 
Analyse de quelques brochures de M. 
E. Morselli, sur I'anthropologie crimi- 
nelle. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de Brux., 
1888-9, vii,3i6-325.— Decline (The) 
and fall of the little toe. Boston M. 
& S. J., i890,cxxii, 356. — De Cnnha 
(S.) Omens among the Hindus. J. 
Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 1888, i, 295- 
299. — Delvaax. Notice explicative 
de la feuille de Flobecq Bull. Soc. 
d'anthrop. de Brux., 18S8-9, vii, 22- 
164, 5 pi. -De Mortillet (G.) Les 
silex de Brdonio. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. 
de Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 468-472. — 

Faux objets frangais et italiens. 

Ibid, , 500-5 1 3.— De Nadaillac. La 
station pr6historiquede Lengyel(Hong- 
rie). Ibid.^ 638-649. — De Pnydt. 
Fouilles ex^cut^es dans une des stations 
prihistoriques de Tourinne, Canton 
d'Avennes, Province de Li6ge. Bull. 
Soc. d'anthrop. de Brux.,* 1888-9, vii, 
302-310.— De'Stefani (S.) Nuove 
ricerche e scoperte nel sepolcreto pre- 
romano del podere A. Bellinato, in 
Minerbe. Atti r. 1st Veneto di sc, 
lett. ed arti, 1888-9,6. s., vii, 435-439, 
I pi— Diamandi. Station pr^histo- 
rique de Coucouteni (Roumanie). Bull. 
Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889,3. s., xii, 
582-599. — Diskassion iiber die alt- 
agyptische Ilauskatze. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 
1889, 552-558.— Dollo. Sur le centre 
du proatlas Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de 

Brux., 1888-9, vii, 241-251. 

Pourquoi I'homme a-t-il perdu le troi- 
sidnie trochanter. R6sum6. /^iV.,300- 
302.— Dwight (T.) The closure of 
the cranial sutures as a sign of age. 
Boston M. & S. J., 1890, cxxii, 389- 
392. — Dymock ( W. ) Anthropogonic 
trees of the Hindu Castes. J. Anthrop. 
Soc. Bombay, 1888, i, 299-304. — 
Bells (M.) The religion of the In- 
dians of Puget Sound. Am. Antiqua- 
rian, Mendon, 111., 1890, xii, 69-84. — 
XSinhorn (M.) Die Rumination beim 
Menschen. Med. Monatschr., N. Y., 



1890, ii, 228-239.— BUis (A. B.) The 
indwelling spirits of men. Pop. Sc. 
Month., N. Y., 1889-90, xxxvi, 794- 
801. — Bmerson (A) Recent progress 
in classical archaeology. Tenth An. 
Rep. Archaeol. Inst. America, Cam- 
bridge, 1889, 47-94. — Ernst (A.) 
Mittheilung iiber Petroglyphen aus 
Venezuela. Verhandl. d. Berl. Ge- 
sellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 650- 
655.— Pawcett (F.) On the Berulu 
Kodo, a sub-sect of the Moras Voka- 
ligarn of the Mysore Province. J. An- 
throp. Soc. Bombay, 1886-9, i, 449- 
474, I pi. — Ferree (B.) Climatic in- 
fluences in primitive architecture. Am. 
Anthrop., Wash., 1890, iii, 147-158. — 
Fewkes (J. W.) On the use of the 
phonograph in the study of the lan- 
guages of American Indians. Science, 
N. Y., 1890, XV, 267-269.— Fraser 
(J.) The numerals in the Etruscan 
language. Rep. Australas. Ass. Adv. 
Sc, [1889], i, 464-476.— Frazer (J. 
G. ) Some popular superstitions of the 
ancients. Folk-lore, Lond., 1890, i, 
145-171. — Galton (F.) Criminal 
anthropology. The criminal, by Have- 
lock Ellis, illustrated. (Lrondon: W. 
Scott, 1890.) [Rev.] Nature, Lond., 
1890, xlii, 75. — Qamba. II cranio 
del generale Ramorino. Gior. d. 
r. Accad. di med. di Torino, 1889, 
3. s., xxxvii, 617-619. — Qiacomini 
(C.) Sur le cerveau d'un chimpanz6. 
[Transl. from : Atti d. r. Accad. d. sc. 
di Torino, 1888-9, xxiv.l Arch. ital. 
de biol., Turin, 1890, xiii, 25. — Oig- 
lioli (E. H.) Alcune notizie intomo 
agli ariani primitive detti " Siah Posh " 
abitanti il Kafiristan. Arch, per I'an- 
trop., Firenze, 1889, xiv, 441-447. — 
Oitt6e(A.) Kinderspelen. Hetspel 
van Kanonike. Volkskunde, Gent, 3* 
Jaarg. 1890,39. — Qomme (G. L.) A 
highland folk-tale. Folk-lore, L*ond., 
i^, i, 197-206. — Gradenigo (G.) 
\jt pavilion de I'oreille au point de vue 
anihropologique. Cong, internat. d'otol. 
et de laryngpl.. Par., 18*9, 144-149. — 

Ricerche antropologiche sul 

padiglione dell'orecchio. Gior. d. r. 
Accad. di med. di Torino, 1889, 3. s., 
xxxvii, 404-408. — Qrieve (R.) An 
address on endemic disease in British 
Guiana and on certain racial suscepti- 
bilities. Brit. M. J., Lond., 1890, i, 
468-470.— Origg (W. C.) Heredity 



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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



279 



as to triplets. Ibid,, 541.— Griin- 
wedeL Riograndenser AlterthUmer. 
Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp., Berl., 1890, 31-37.— Oun- 
thorpe (E. J.) Note on the Bhonde 
Koomars. J. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 
1S86-9, i, 409-414. — Haddon (A. C.) 
The ethnography of the western tribe of 
Torres Straits. J. Anthrop. Inst, Ix)nd., 

1889-90, xix, 297-440, 4 pi. 

Legends from Torres Straits. Folk- 
lore, Lond.,i890,i,47-8i; 172-197.— 
Hamilton (G. ) Notice of additional 
groups of carvings of cups and circles on 
rock surfaces at High Banks, Kirkcud- 
brightshire. Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot- 
land, Edinb., 1889, xxiii, 1 25-130. — 
Hammeran (A.) Htigelgrftber bei 
Frankfurt a. M. Arch. f. Anthrop., 
Bmschwg., 1890, xix, 85-99, 3 P^* — 
Hansemann (D. ) Ueber Polymastie. 
Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp., Berl., 1889,434-443. — de Har- 
lez (C.) La perception des couleurs 
chez les peuples de Textrfime Orient et 
Thistoire du sens visuel. Le Mus^on, 
Par., 1890, ix, 242-249. — Hartland 
(E, S.) Peeping Tom and Lady 
Godiva. Folk-lore, Lond., 1890, i, 
207-226.— Harvey (J.) Notes on 
some undescribed cup-marked rocks at 
Duntocher, Dumbartonshire. Proc. 
Soc. Antiq. Scotland, Edinb., 1889, 
xxiii, 130-137.— Hay DOS (H. W.) 
Recent progress in American archae- 
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Inst. America, Cambridge, 1889, 95- 
105.— Hoffman (W. J.) Remarks on 
Ojibway ball play. Am. Anthrop., 
Wash., 1890, iii, 133-135.— Holmes 
(W. II.) On the evolution of orna- 
ment — an American lesson. Ibid,, 137- 
146.— Hough (W.) Notes on the 
archeology and ethnology of Easter 
Wand. Am. Naturalist, Phila., 1889, 
xxiii, 877-888.— House. Recherches 
sur I'indice nasal; I'indice nasal des 
Flamands et des Wallons. Bull. Soc. 
d'anlhrop. de Brux., 1888-9, vii, 177- 
205.— Httrd (Kate C.) On anthro- 
pometry. Times & Reg., N. Y. & 
Phila., 1890, vii, 506-511.— Hutch- 
inson (J. ) An account of the skele- 
ton of the Norwich dwarf. Tr. Path. 
Soc. Lond., 1888-9, xl, 229-235, 3 
pi.— Huxley (T. li.) On the natural 
inequality of men. Pop. Sc. Month., 
N. Y., 1889-90, xxxvi, 761-784. 



Government : Anarchy or regi- 
mentation. Nineteenth Cent., Lond., 
1890, xxvii, 843-866.— Israel (O.) 
Angeborne Spallen des Ohrlippchens, 
Ein Beitrag zur Vererbungslehrc. Arch, 
f. path. Anat., etc., Berl., 1890, cxix. 
241-253. — Jacobson (J. A.) Bella- 
Coola Sagen. Ausland, Stuttgart, 1890, 

352-354. Geheimblinde der 

Kilstenbewohner Nordamerikas. Ibid,, 
290-293. — Jentsch(H.) Provinzial- 
rdmische und andere vorgeschichtliche 
Funde in der Niederlausitz. Verhandl. 
d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 

1889, 659-663.— Joe8t( W.) \etal.^ 
Mehrere Mittheilungen, betreffend Au- 
genschminke. Ibid,,\%x^,^'j, — Joly 
?H.) Jeunes criminels parisiens. Arch. 
deTanthrop. crim.. Par., 1890, v, 147- 
174.— Joshi (P. B.) On the Gond- 
halis, a class of Maratha Bards. J. An- 
throp. Soc. Bombay, 1886-9, i, 371- 
377. — ten Kate (H.). Ethno- 
graphische und anthropologische Mit- 
theilungen aus dem amerikanischen 
SUdwesten und aus Mexico. Ver- 
handl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp., Berl., 1889,664-668.— Krausa 
(F. S.) Die QualgeUter bei den Sfld- 
slaven. Ausland, Stuttgart, 1890, 329- 
333. — Lamb (D. S.) The olecranon 
perforation. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 

1890, iii, 159-174. — Levi (C. A.) 
Nuove suppellettili archeologiche pro- 
vinciali. Atti r. 1st. Veneto di sc, lett. 
ed«arti., 1888-9, 6. s., vii, 447-457. 

2 pi. Illustrazione di alcuni 

bronzi antichi. Ibid., 785-796, 3 pi. — 
Le Villenoisy (F.) D'une erreur 
arch^ologique relative aux bronzes 
anciens. Revue ArchaK)l., Par., 1890, 
3. s., XV, 248-253.— Lloyd (W.) The 
religion of the Semites. Westminst. 
Rev., Lond., i890,cxxxiii, 375-383 — 
Lombroso (C.) Palimsesti del 
carcere. Arch, di psichiat. , etc., Torino, 

1889, X, 557-576. — Rughe 

anomale speciali ai criminali. Ibid,, 

1890, xi, 96. — — Homo delinquens. 
[Transl. from the Italian.] Wien 
med. Bl., 1890, xiii, 87; 103; 119. — 
Lombroso (C) e R. Laschi. Rei 
politici per occasione e per passione. 
Arch, di psichiat, etc., Torino, 1890, 
xi> 34-55i I pl* — Maodonald (J.) 
Coutumes et croyances des tribus de 
I'Afrique australe. Rev. scient.. Par., 
1890, xlv, 641-648. Manners, 



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customs, superstitions, and religions of 
South African tribes. J. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1889-90, xix, 264-297. — 
Manonvrler. Esistono dei carattcri 
anatomici propriai criminali? I crira- 
inali presentano almeno certi caratteri 
anatomici particolari ? Come si de- 
vono interpretare questi caratteri? 
[Rapp., transl. from the French]. 
Anomalo, Napoli, 1889, i, 294-301. — 
Mantegazza (P.) L'ereditii delle 
lesioni traumatiche e dei caratteri ac- 
quisiti dall'individuo. Arch, per Tan- 
trop., Firenze, 1889, xix, 391-405. 

La lingua universale. Ibid.^ 

407-417. — Marks for physical efli> 
ciency. Brit. M. J., Lond., 1890. i, 
793. — Matro (A.) Sui caratteri della 
dunna criminale. Arch, di psichiat., 
etc., Torino, 1889, x, 576-580. — 
Maska. Ueber die Gleichzeitigkeit 
des Mammuths mit dem diluvialen 
Menschen in Mfthren. Mitth. d. an- 
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. 
F., ix [82-89].— Maxwell (H. E.) 
Primitive implements, weapons, orna- 
ments, and utensils from Wigtown- 
shire. * Proc. Soc. Anliq. Scotland, 
Edinb., 1889, xxiii, 200-232. — Meade 
(M. J.) On the Moghiahs or B&oris 
of Rajput&n& and Central India. J. 
Anthrop. .Soc, Bombay, 1886-9, i, 
274-288.— Meyer (A. G.) Unter- 
suchungen Uber das s&chsische Haus 
im Kreise Greifenberg, Hinterpom- 
mem. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsph. 
f. Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 614-625. — . 
Miller (H.) Notice of the dis- 
covery of a hoard of silver penan- 
nular armlets and coins at Tarbat, 
Ross-Shire. Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot- 
land, Edinb., 1889, xxii, 314-317. — 
Miller (P.) Notices of the standing 
stones of Alloa and Clackmanan. 
y^/V.,153-164.— Modi (J.J.) Omens 
among the Parsees. J. Anthrop. Soc. 

Bombay, 1888, i, 289-295. 

On a Persian coffin said to be 3,000 
years old, sent to the Museum of the 
Society by Mr. Malcolm, of Bushire. 
//J«V.. 426-441.— M[ont] (P. d[e]). 
Onze Vlaamsche ** Componisten *' ofte 
Liedjeszangers. Volkskunde, Gent, 3® 
Jaarg. 1890,25-39.— Men t^lins (O.) 
L'&ge du bronze en fegyptc. Anthro- 
pologic, Par., 1890, i, 27-48, 6 pi. 

Verbindungen zwischen Skan- 

dinavicn und dem westlichen Europa 



vor Christi Geburt. [Transl.] Arch, 
f. Anthrop., Bmschwg., 1890, xix, i- 
21.— Mooney (J.) The Cherokee 
ball play. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 
1890, iii, 105-132. — Morris (C.) 
From brute to man. Am. Naturalist, 
Phila., 1890, xxiv, 341-350.-- Mor- 
selli (E.) Anomalie dell* osso occip- 
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Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 1890, 
xi, 94. — Manro (R.) The pre- 
historic cemetery of FrOgg, at Rosegg, 
Carinthia. Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot- 
land, Edinb., 1889, xxiii, 241-246, i 
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Siut. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. 
Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 558-572, I pi.— 
Nicolncci (G.) Anomalie e de- 
formazioni artiticiali del cranio. Anom- 
alo, Napoli, 1890, ii, 65-72. — Ordish 
(T. F.) Morris dance at Revesby. 
Folk-Lore J., Lond., 1890, vii, 331- 
356. — Ottolenghi (S.) II man- 
cinismo anatomico nei cnminali. 
[Abstr.] Arch, di psichiat., etc., 
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Essai de localisation des habitants pr6- 
colombiens de TAm^rique Centrale. 
Internat. Arch. f. Ethnog., Leiden, 
1890, iii, 31-33.— Peet (S.D.) The 
CI iff- Dwellers and their works. Am. 
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85-104. The "Sacred En- 
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Periostitis and atrophy of ancient 
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i, 404. — Ponchon. Les m^galithes 
de la Somme. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. 
de Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 556-567. — 
Powell (F. Y.) Recent research 
on Teutonic mythology. Folk-lore, 
Lond., 1890, i, 1 1 8- 1 26.— Pratt (G.) 
The genealogy of the sun, a Samoan 
legend. Rep. Australas. Ass. Adv. 
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La responsabilit6 morale des ciiminels. 
Rev. phil., Par., 1890, xxix, 384- 
398. — Quedenfeldt (M.) Ueber 
die Corporationen der U16d Ssldi 
Hammed-u-Mflssa und der Ormft im 
sUdlichen Morokko. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 
1 889, 572-586.— Racy maekers ( D . ) 
Note sur le " Dolmen " de Duysbourg, 
pr^s de Tervueren. Bull. Soc. d'an- 
throp. de Brux., 1888-9, vii, 270-281. 
— Raghnnathjee (K.) On the Pitars 



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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



281 



or T&nks. J. Anthrop. Soc. Bombay, 
1886-9, i, 353.— Ranke (J.) Ueber 
hOhere und niedrigere Stellung der 
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Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 
1889, n. F., ix, [140-142].— Regalia 
(E.) Sul museo deH'imperatore Au- 
gusto. Arch, per I'antrop., Firenze, 

1889, xix, 449-466. — Regis (E.) 
Les regicides dans I'histoire et dans le 
present ; 6tude midico-psychologique. 
Arch, de Tanthrop. crim., Par., 1890, v, 
5-34. /4/so,Re\mnt. — Rehat8ek(E.) 
Veneration of the dead in China. J. 
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328. On a descriptive alpha- 
betical list of twenty occult sciences of 
the Muslims, /did. , 41 5-424. — Reiss 
(W.) Ueber Funde aus der Steinzeit 
Aegyptens. Verhandl. d. Berl. Ge- 
sellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 702- 
713. 2 pi.— Rink (H.) On a safe 
conclusion concerning the origin of the 
Eskimo, which can be drawn from the 
designation of certain objects in their 
language. J. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 

1890, xix. 452-458.— Rlsloy (H. H.j 
The race basis of Indian political move- 
ments. Contemp. Rev., Lond., 1890, 
Ivii, 742-759. On anthropol- 
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bay, 1886-9, i, 343-352.— Ritchie 
(D. G.) Natural selection and the 
spiritual world. Westminst. Rev., 
Lond., 1890, cxxxiii, 459-469. — Ro- 
manes (G. J. ) Darwin's latest cntics. 
Nineteenth Cent, Lond., 1890, xxvii, 

823-832. Weissmann's theory 

of heredity. Contemp. Rev., Lond., 
1890. Ivii, 686-699. — Rossi (G.) e 
8. Ottolenghi. Tipi di criminali 
nati. Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 
1890, xi, 91-93. — Schadenberg. 
Beitrkge zur Kenntniss der im Innern 
Nordluzons lebenden StSjume. Ver- 
handl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An- 
throp., Berl., 1889, 674-700, I pi. — 
Sohmeitz (J. D. £.) Ueber einen 
heiligen Krug von Borneo. Intemat. 
Arch. f. Ethnog., Leiden, 1890, iii, 29- 
31.— Sibley (W. K.) Left-legged- 
ness. Nineteenth Cent., Lond., 1890, 
xxvii, 773-778.— Skertchly (S. B. 
J.) On fire-making in North Borneo. 
J. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1890, xix, 
445-452, I pi.— Starr (F.) Perfo- 
rated skulls from Michigan. Am. 
Antiquarian, Mendon,. 111., 1890, xii, 

36 



165.— Talbot (E. S.) Statistics of 
constitutional and developmental irreg- 
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insane persons. J. Am. M. Ass., Chi- 
cago, 1890, xiv, 563-568. The 

jaws and teeth of a party of cave- and 
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1890, xxxii, 357-364. — Tantain. 
Contribution k I'itude de la langue. 
Foule (Poular). Rev. de linguistique, 
Paris, 1890, xxiii, 1 18-147.— Taverni 
(R.) et Magnan. L'infanziadei crim- 
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Anomalo, Napoli, 1889, i, 361-368; 
1890, ii, 3-12.— Tenchini(L.) Sulle 
variety numeriche vertebro-costali neir 
uomo. Ateneo med. parmense, Parma, 

1889, iii, 179-210. — Thomas (C.) 
The Cherokees in pre-Columbian times. 
Science, N. Y., 1890, xv, 295-300.— 
Thompson (A. H.) The expres- 
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Dental Cosmos, Phila., 1890, xxxii, 85; 
169. — Thomson (A.) The orbito- 
maxillary frontal suture in man and 
the apes, with notes on the varieties of 
the human lachrymal bone. J. Anat. 
& Physiol., Lond., 1889-90, xxiv, 349- 
357. — Topinard ( P. ) Les Angolais. 
Bull. Soc. de mid. prat, de l*ar., 1890, 

1 14-120. Essais de cranio- 

m6lrie k propos du crine de Charlotte 
Corday. Anthropologie, Par.. 1890, i, 
1-26. — Toscani (L.) Sulle apofisi 
clinoidee medie del cranio umano. 
Ateneo med. parmense, Parma, 1889, 
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f. Anthrop:, Berl., 1889, 752-757.— 
Tromp (S. W.) De Weeding eener 
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Tronessart (E.) Le cheval sauvage 
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1890, Ivi, 323.— Turner {Sir W.) 
Human neck with the odontoid process 
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.Sopra un metodo per investigare lo 
sviluppo delle istituzioni sociali, appli- 
cato alle leggi del matrimonio e della 



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discendenza. [Transl. from : J. An- 
throp. Inst., Lond., 1888-9, xviii.] 
Arch, per Tantrop., Firenze, 1889, xix, 
467-494. — XTndset (I.) Archftolo- 
gische Aufsfttze Qber sttdcuropftische 
Fundstttcke. Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berl., 
1889, xxi, 205-234. — VanviU^ (O.) 
Quelques ateliers et stations pr^hi^- 
toriques du d^partement de Seine-et- 
Oisc. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. dc Par., 

1889.3. s..xii, 532-541. Tran- 

chets et fldches pr^historiques du d6- 
partement de TAisne. /Jm'., 628-638. 
— Virchow (R.) Die Anthropologic 
in den letzten 20 Jahren. Mitth. d. 
anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, 

n. F., ix. [57-68.] — Crania 

americana ethnica. /^jV/., [138-140.] 

Grab des Langobardenherzogs 

Gisulf in Cividale. Vcrhandl. d. Berl. 
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 1889, 
374-382: — Beitrftge zur Cranio- 
logie der Insulaner von der Wesl- 
kiiste Nordaroerikas. /(J«</., 382-403. 

Menschliche Gebeine und 

Steinsachen aus angeblich diluvialen 
Schichten bei Aussig, Bdhmen. Ibid., 

404-410. [Zwei junge Bursche 

von Kamenin und Togo. J Ibid., 541- 

545. [Dinka-Neger.] Ibid., 

545-551. [Schadel vom Cis- 

lauer liradek.l Ibid., 593-595. 

[Ueberdie beiden Schftdel von 

Wetter und Halemaheira.l Ibid., 

669-673. Photograpnien eines 

Wci-Knaben. Ibid.,*l(yArl^' 

Das vom Stabsarzt Dr. L. Wolf hinter- 
las.sene anthropologische Material. 

Ibid., 766-784, I pi. Photo- 

graphien eines Negerknaben von 
Ukussu, W. vom Lualaba. Ibid.^ 784. 
Neue prfthistorische Funde von 



Tttrmitz, Herbiu und Wicklitz, bei 
Aussig. Ibid., 786-793. — Visite des 
campements indigenes & I'Esplanade 
des Invalides. Asie; Afrique; Ocianie. 
Bull. Soc. de m6d. prat, de Par., 1890, 
370-416. — Waldeyer. Menschen- 
und Affen-Placcnta. Mitth. d. an- 
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. 
F., ix, [142].— Warner (F.) Form 
•of ear as a sign of defective develop- 
ment. Lancet, Lond., 1890, i, 344. — 
WeipertfH.) Japanisches Familien- 
und Erbrecht. Mitth. d. deutsch. Ge- 
sellsch. f. Nat.-u. V5lkerk. Ostasiens, 
Yokahama, 1 889-90, v, 83-140. — 
Weiabach (A.) Lftnge und Breite 
des Kopfes und Schftdels. Mitth. d. 
anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1889, n. 
F., ix, [198-200].— White (A. D.) 
The antiquity of man and Egyptology. 
Pop. Sc. Month., N. Y., 1890, xxxvii, 
145-156.— Wilder (B. G.) Does 
the poma (occipital operculum) occur 
in the human brain ? Med. Rec., 
N. Y., 1890, xxxvii, 255. — Wynd- 
ham (W. T.) The aborigines of 
Australia. J. & Proc. Roy. Soc. N. 
South Wales, Sydney, 1889, xxiii, 36- 
42. — Zanardelli. L'origine du Ian- 
gage expliqu6e par une nouvelle th^orie 
de Pinteijection. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. 
de Brux., 1888-9, vii, 221-241.— Zoja 
(G.) Intorno al mucrone dell* angolo 
della mandibola del Sandifort (apoHsi 
lemurinica dell' Albrecht). R. 1st. 
Lomb. di sc. e lett. Rendic, Milano, 
1888, 2. s., xxi, 790-794, I pi.— Zol- 
ler (H.) Untersuchungen ttber 24 
Sprachen aus dem Schutzgebiet der 
Neuguinea-^'ompagnie. Petermann's 
Mittheil., 1890, xxxvi, 122-128. 



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July 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 283 



BOOK NOTICES. 

Social History of the Races of Mankind, JTiird Division : Aoneo- 
Maranonians, By A, Featherman, London^ TrUbner &* Co,y 
i88Qi 8vo.,pp. xxiii—480. 

This is the latest general treatise on the North American Indians, 
and in some respects the most pretentious one yet published. The 
surprising title is composed from a flimsy theory and a euphemized 
myth. The theory is that all the tribes of the two western conti- 
nents came from the valley of the Amazon, one of the names of one 
part of that river being literated as Maranon. The myth, never 
known in any shape but to a few tribes, is applied to the northern 
continent by modernization in significance and by violent euphonic 
changes in expression. So we are requested to use Maranon for 
all the aborigines of America, and Aoneo for their northern grand 
division. This is a step beyond Schoolcraft, though in the same 
direction of imaginary connection and of the manufacture of names 
by piecing together fragments of words selected from unrelated lan- 
guages. But Schoolcraft, instead of baptizing the race of the 
** whole boundless continent,*Mimited himself to the invention of 
grand-divisional names for the tribes of North America. He called 
those of the eastern coast, Algic ; those west of the Mississippi, 
Abanic, and the intermediate, Ostic. This was all very pretty ; 
but the coinages of names without recognized etymology and 
without true definition or substantial authority did not succeed, and 
perhaps not a dozen persons in the world now recall Schoolcraft's 
well-intended effort. Dr. Featherman's still more ambitious essay 
may share the same fate unless it shall be remembered through the 
ridicule that it occasions. 

That author investigated the anthropology of America by spend- 
ing many months in the Library of Congress at Washington, during 
which time he read and excerpted much matter from the immense 
mass of useless ''Americana.*' The absurd title of the book is a 
sample of its entire contents. It contains no real philosophy or 
study, but presents a melancholy lesson, showing the result where an 
honest and industrious but rather dull man writes on a subject about 
which he is wholly ignorant. Whatever he saw on library shelves, in 



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284 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

print or in manuscript, "was of equal value, and he mixed all together 
quod lib, Bancroft, in his '* Native Races of the Pacific Coast,'* did 
nearly as badly, but with the difference that he gave bibliographic 
. reference to volume and page. If he said of the tribe, e. g. X, that the 
people were dark, of low stature, cruel, and of small number, and in 
the same paragraph said of the same tribe that the i)eople were light 
in color, tall, gentle, and numerous, he at least gave the authorities 
with precision, so that the reader might have some means of choice. 
But Dr. Featherman does not give this option. He copies indis- 
criminately the utterly futile and accidental impressions of voyagers 
or essayists. Many travelers* tales, intended to be true, are col- 
ored by the weather or by digestion, by the accidents of march and by 
the personal character of men and women with whom there hapi^ened 
to be contact. Therefore the accounts about the same peoples at 
the same time are often diametrically opposite. The anthropologic 
surface only is skimmed without study of its depths. Our author, 
however, selects all the skimmings that chance to please his taste 
and mixes the result in a farrago without authenticating any of its 
ingredients by any specific label. 

Dr. Featherman was unfortunate in ending his researches before 
the appearance of the later and more scientific publications on his 
subject. He stopped his studies and went home across the Atlantic 
to write. During the last two years, however, he must have in- 
formed himself, to some extent at least, in respect to the latest 
aspects of the topics treated, as he has added a number of foot-notes 
to his text, and has also injected matter into his preface, which is 
in Roman pagination and of course was last written, in which ideas 
appear that are not in accord with the general contents. It is a 
pity that he had not revised his whole work instead of continuing 
to reproduce the antiquated authorities with occasional qualifications. 
Those authorities are, however, not useless in proper hands. But 
trained students must weigh them and interpret their meaning, which 
our explorer of the Library of Congress was not able to do. 

The author shows no understanding of the only possible classifica- 
tion of the American tribes, viz., that by linguistic stocks and their 
dialects, and has no knowledge of the priscan habitat and subse- 
quent migrations of those tribes. He took names of tribes in 
all kinds of shaj^es, French and Dutch and English, and misprinted 
forms of mistaken aboriginal sounds, and mixed them together with- 
out scientific or logical method, so that the several divisions of a 



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July 1890.] BOOK NOTtdfe:*^ '^'^ . ^ ^ ^^^ 

Stock, known to every student as such, api)eaFilTiikJi! some alias, sepa- 
rated by pages and chapters from their congeners, who also appear 
under an alias. Substantially the same remarks about marriage, mort- 
uary rites — in fact, the whole catalogue of customs — are repeated 
over and over without discrimination, or are changed without reason. 
The salt and pepper and the oil and the mustard are cast into the 
attempted salad but are not amalgamated, and there is no good egg in 
the dressing. No new or useful idea can be gleaned from these five 
hundred pages, but on the contrary there are many more reproduced 
or original errors than pages. This would be of more serious con- 
sequence if the general arrangement and presentation of the volume 
were not so repulsive and the cost so considerable as to insure that 
its readers will be few and their indoctrination slight. 

The North American Indians are in themselves of little historical 
importance, but the study of their customs and religions is of the 
greatest importance in illustrating the stages and phases by which 
mankind has advanced toward and into civilization. All concern- 
ing them should, therefore, be stated with elaborate care as a basis 
for the most useful chapter that can now be written in the general 
theme of the author's series of volumes, viz., the Social History of 
the Races of Mankind. But as presented in the present volume the 
Aoneo-Maranonians, who by any other name would smell as sweet, 
have never existed. The study of the Flying Islanders of Peter 
Wilkins would be a work of as great scientific value as that before 
us. Indeed, the story of Wilkins would be of greater use, because 
imagination that succeeds in verisimilitude is nearly as good as facts ; 
but Dr. Featherman appears to possess neither accuracy nor imagi- 
nation. 

Garrick Mallery. 



Vie Forschungsreise S, M, S. " Gazelle '* in den Jahren 1874 bis 
1876 unter Kommando des Kapitdn ztir See Freiherm von 
SchleinitZy herausgegeben von dent Hydrographischen Ami des 
ReichS'Marinc'Avits. /. TheiL Der ReiseberichL Mil 58 Tafeln. 
Berlin, i88g. 

The German exploring expedition in the ship Gazelle, which 
went to Kerguelen Island to observe the transit of Venus in 1874, 
crossed, during its voyage of nearly two years, more than 100 de- 
grees of latitude, accomplished the circumnavigation of the globe, 



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286 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

and landed on many shores. It was equipped with a corps of learned 
investigators, whose observations included a wide range in science. 

It is only in the ethnography and anthropology in general that 
we are now interested. These subjects are included in the first part 
of the report and occupy about 60 of the 317 quarto pages which 
constitute the volume. The periods of sojourn on inhabited shores 
were usually brief; the natives encountered were often timid, dis- 
trustful, or inimical — sometimes they fled at sight of the Europeans 
and could with difficulty be induced to approach the latter. 
Under such circumstances the opportunities for study were neces- 
sarily very limited, and the observers are to be congtatulated on 
having obtained even as much information as they here present to us. 

The subjects mostly touched on are the i)hysical and moral char- 
acters of the people, their external appearance, houses, boats, 
domestic animals, food, employments, dress, weapons, tools, and 
ornaments. There are some valuable observations on their social 
condition and religion. The natives of MacCluer Gulf, New Gui- 
nea, we are told, profess Mohammedanism, yet the explorers did not 
fail to observe abundant evidence of the survival of an earlier cult 
among them. In other places, as New Mecklenburg and New 
Hannover, grotesque masks and images were collected which prob- 
ably pertained to religious ceremonials. 

A village was visited in MacCluer Gulf where all arrows and 
spears were pointed with wood or bone, and no weapons of iron 
were seen. In New Mecklenburg i[New Ireland) and New Pom- 
erania (New Britain) people were visited who still made fire by 
rubbing two sticks together. 

Anthropology is better represented in the illustrations than in the 
text ; 26 full-page lithographic pictures (some colored) out of the 
58 plates which embellish the work are devoted to it. They depict 
groups of men, individuals, dwellings, anomalous crania, weapons, 
images, and other articles. Washington Matthews. 



The Oregon Trade Language or ** Chinook Jargon,'' by Horatio 
Hale, M, A., R7i, S. C, London : Whit faker 6- Co., i8go. 

Just now, when so much attention is paid to the invention of in- 
ternational languages, the above little book by Mr. Hale will prove 
a welcome addition to the general knowledge and literature of the 



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July 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 287 

subject. The Chinook Jargon is an apt illustration of the old adage 
** necessity is the mother of invention." It was not only invented, 
if the term is admissible, to supply a want, but has fully answered 
its purpose and has had a career which is much more than history 
is likely to record of some later linguistic aspirants for fame. 
The Chinook Trade Jargon is not the only example of its kind. 
Pigeon English, as it is called, has served a similar purpose in China 
and to a less extent in western America, as also did the Lingua 
Franca of the Mediterranean. 

Long before the days of the advent of the European upon its 
banks, the Columbia river formed a sort of highway for aboriginal 
trade. The Chinooks held all the lower course of the river from 
the Dalles to the mouth, including its best fishery shores, and to 
the Dalles every year resorted the interior tribes to fish, to gamble, 
and to trade. The tribes thus visiting the banks of the river 
spoke many languages and dialects, which represented a number of 
distinct linguistic families. These tribes, though differing less in 
habits than in language, still offered many peculiarities. Through 
their yearly gatherings on the territory of the Chinooks the interior 
tribes all doubtless acquired a smattering of their language ; but the 
Chinook, or better the *' Trade Jargon,'* which, as Mr. Hale shows, 
became a thoroughly international language, owes its existence to a 
later period and to the necessities and influence of the European fur- 
trader. As in early times the neighborhood of Nootka Sound formed 
the rendezvous for the trading ships, the language spoken here came 
to be more or less employed by the traders. Later, trading ships 
entered the Columbia, and Astoria became the head center of the 
fur trade, and it was natural that when an inter-tribal speech became 
necessary, the Chinook tongue should form its basis, both because 
the Chinook was the language most familiar to the Europeans and 
because it was probably better understood by neighboring tribes 
than any other. 

Thus we find, according to Mr. Hale's analysis, that the Trade 
Jargon is composed of in Chinook words, 18 Nootka, 41 English, 
and 34 French. In addition, 10 words were formed by onomato- 
poeia and about 38 are doubtful. The resulting 252 words consti- 
tute a very small vocabulary, one would think, for the purposes 
intended ; but no phenomenon of speech is more remarkable than 
the small number of words that can be made to suffice for every-day 
topics. The vocabulary thus formed and added to as time went on 



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288 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. IH. 

was provided with a few simple grammatic rules, and the hybrid 
language thus curiously constituted was ready to play its part in the 
drama of trade and colonization. 

Its usefulness has been very great. For nearly a hundred years 
it has sufficed for all the exigencies of European trade with the 
natives and for an inter-tribal communication which has extended 
far beyond the center where the Jargon originated. It has served as 
the means of conversion to at least a nominal Christianity of a large 
number of the Indians of this region, and still it maintains its use- 
fulness and is likely to do so for a long period to come. 

The author of the present volume, who was the first to bring the 
Trade Jargon to scientific notice, presents a succinct account of its 
origin and history, gives its rules of grammar, furnishes specimens 
of hymns and sermons by missionaries, and adds a Trade-English 
and English-Trade vocabulary. We thus have what amounts to a 
complete treatise of this interesting speech, sufficient for the needs 
of the missionary and traveler as well as for the student of language 
in its broader aspects. H. W. Henshaw. 



Dr, Friedrich S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religibser Branch der 
Sudslaven, Vorwiegend nach eigmen Ermittlungen, MiinsUr 
{Westphalia)^ i8go. Aschendorffy publisher, 8vo., pp, xviy 176, 

This book upon the religious ideas of the Southern Slavs is pre- 
eminently of a critical nature, and criticism is never so well applied 
as when the history of religions, whether monotheistic or polytheis- 
tic, is to be investigated. The well-known author is a Jewish scien- 
tist of the most advanced type, and his long investigations of the 
Slavic folk-lore failed to bring him into accord with the ideas regard- 
ing the Slavic deities as set forth by his fellow -authors on the same 
subject. He states in the preface that the hypothesis of a primeval 
Slavic nation, speaking only one language and possessed of om re. 
ligious beliefs is ^solutely untenable and has brought confusion and 
discredit upon ethnologic science. In the opinion of our author, 
many incontestable facts which have come to light forbid us to 
assume for the present Slavic nations physical descent from a single 
people, who must be supposed upon this theory to have subsequently 
differentiated into dialectic groups. It would be far easier to prove 
the existence of a European -Asiatic primitive religion than of a 



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July 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 289 

primitive religion of the Slavs, or of the Germans or Finns. The 
ancient epoch of Slavic belief, so replete with idealistic divine 
worship and with the odor of the most innocent and lamb-like purity 
of mind, which is said to have been destroyed by the influence of 
the Germans and of Christianity, never existed. It was merely the 
elucubration of some excited and patriotic mythologists of the 
Russian, Bohemian, and South Slavic '* persuasion.*' 

In conformity with these principles and others of like tendency, 
the author's method is entirely inductive. He starts from and 
admits only what he or others have actually observed in the songs, 
traditions, and customs of the respective Slavic provinces. In the 
descriptions of the manners, customs, and superstitions of the Slavic 
people, whether they be of an esthetic or coarse character, Krauss is 
a faithful portrayer and perfectly famihar with what he describes. 
The belief in witches is much stronger among the Slavs than in any 
of our " most catholic *' countries, and many of the instances men- 
tioned by Krauss would be profoundly ludicrous if^ they did not 
excite in us a still more profound feeling of compassion for the 
ignorance of humanity. The Vilas of the Southern Slavs are a 
peculiar sort of ghostlike women somewhat comparable to our 
fairies. They have been often described in recent publications and 
Krauss defines them (p. 69) as ** ripened souls of trees, acting chiefly 
outside their tree-homes." His ** Pestfrauen " (pestiferous women) 
are anthropomorphisms of wood-spirits or forest-fairies, the miasmatic 
effluvia from the woods and thickets bottled up in human forms. 

From the following headings readers may obtain a glimpse of the 
rich ethnologic contents of the book: Sun, moon, stars; the man 
and the spinning woman in the moon; spirits of fate, virgins repre- 
senting fate ; gifts of the tree-souls; spirits of the deceased inhabit- 
ing trees; imprecations and conjuring formulae; spirit of the 
mountain; witchcraft for milk and butter; Vilas the friends of 
horses ; oaths and bets of Vilas ; insanity caused by Vilas ; Vilas in 
the clouds; their visibility. Meeting places of witches; their tools 
of witchery and effects upon the weather. Mortuary superstitions. 
Candles made from human fat ; sacrifices of all sorts. Immuration 
of living animals. Prophecy from omoplates, etc. 

It is impossible to do justice to a book of so extensive learning 
and research within the compass of a review. The attention of 
the reader having been directed to it he may safely be left to judge 
for himself Albert S. Gatschet. 

37 



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290 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 



NOTES AND NEWS. 

Iroquoian Mythologic Notes. — In Iroquoian legendary and 
mythologic lore the most characteristic and remarkable heroes and 
heroines belong to a peculiar class. The Onondaga name for them 
is te-ha-no-a'-to°* for a male, and te-ye-no-a'-to*^* for a female ; while 
ra*-tir'-har for a male, and a'-tir'-har for a female, are Tuskarora 
designations. The Tuskarora not infrequently use as substitutes for 
the last-mentioned terms, na-ru-nur'-ha'r for a male, and na-ya- 
nur'-ha*r for a female. 

The Great Father and Mother of the race were of this class, 
although they were born and feared above cloud-land and on the 
upper side of the sky, thus showing that the ideas respecting these 
beings originated in remote antiquity. The etymology of these 
several terms appears to have been lost with the custom of which 
they are severally the names. Only conjectural and unsatisfactory 
reasons for the custom could be obtained by the writer from those 
who used them in the many legends and myths which he has col- 
lected in the past few year?. 

Before attempting to assign an etymology to the foregoing deno- 
tive terms, the striking features of the mode of life peculiar to the 
class of persons of which they are the names will be given. 

A person assigned to this class (which appears to have been very 
small in number in every community) was most studiously ** secreted * * 
or ** concealed'* from the eyes of all persons, either in their own 
home or in that of some one near of kin, who lived alone and 
secluded. No one, with the exception of one or two of the blood 
relations of the person so "concealed," was ever allowed to see 
him or her. To this end, the "secreted ** person was forced to lie 
in bed and to remain covered from head to foot, night and day, 
except when eating or attending to other necessities. An appro- 
priate diet was also prescribed. Seclusion began with the earliest 
infancy and before any of the natural capacities of the child had 
developed sufficiently to reveal anything regarding the gifts and 
powers of the future man or woman. This seems to indicate that 
some prodigy attending the birth of the child was the criterion by 
which an infant was adjudged to be born into this class in question. 
At the appearance of the age of puberty the "secreted** person 



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July 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 291 

was '* mature," and could then enter into the enterprises for which 
his conjectured supernatural gifts fitted him. The data at hand for 
arriving at any definite conclusions in regard to the origin of this 
custom are meagre and undecisive. 

The etymologies of the Tuskaroran terms na-ni-nur-ha*r and 
ra*-tir-har seem to point quite clearly to the rare and unusual fact 
of a child "born with a caul." The verb stems in both words, 
-ha'r and -har, are both from one and the same root, -har to ** lay 
upon, put upon;" hence, in the perfect tense used with a present 
tense signification, it means to **have on, wear, or bear." The 
nominal stems -nur- and -'tir- of the two words seem to be closely 
connected with the stem -tar-, for a / and an n are permutable in 
the languages of the Iroquois. The stem -tar- is the base of the 
word u-tar'-6; "spawn, placenta, caul, etc., etc." The nominal 
part -nur- is the base of the word u-nur'-S, a plait or braid of husks, 
being evidently connected with u-tur'-S, a "husk" or "sheath." 
The stem -'tir- is the base of u-*tir'-6, which means at present 
" parturitive moaning," but originally the same as u-tar'-S. So that 
if the foregoing identifications be correct the words na-ru-nur'-ha*r 
and ra-^tir'-har signified originally " he-has-on-caul. " The fact 
that nature had "covered" differently from others the child so 
born would probably lead to the custom of keeping it covered after 
birth. J. N. B. Hewitt. 



A Collection of Stone Implements from the District of 
Columbia. — Mr. S. V. Proudfit has presented to the Smithsonian 
Institution his entire collection of stone implements from the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, and on April 15, 1890, he read before the An- 
thropological Society a paper submitted with the donation. 

The collection is fairly typical of aboriginal handicraft as it is 
now found in the fields of the District, and includes axes, both 
grooved and ungrooved, polished and rough ; arrow-heads, knives 
and scrapers, unfinished implements, chips and flakes from work- 
shops and village sites, pottery, and soapstone vessels. Each piece 
was catalogued when collected, and a full descriptive catalogue ac- 
companies the collection, together with a map showing the fields 
from which the relics were obtained. 

The paper touches upon the conditions attendant upon the dis- 
tribution of these remains in the Potomac valley, and considers at 



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292 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

some length questions bearing upon the relative antiquity of the 
chipped pebble-work from the workshops and elsewhere, with the 
conclusion that it belongs to the same period of culture that is rep- 
resented in the historic Indian village sites of the District. 



Drum-Telegraph of the Cameroon Natives. — Das Ausland for 
February, 1889, etseq, has a very interesting article by Robert Miiller 
on **Life and Occupations in the Cameroon,** in which a curious 
instrument is thus described : A log is hollowed out and is divided 
along the transverse diameter by a bridge, upon which a drumstick 
is beaten to produce sounds of different tones. This rather unprom- 
ising musical instrument becomes of great importance as a means of 
communication, and may, in fact, be called a "drum-telegraph.*' 
The villages are situated comparatively close together, and by means 
of the drum news is communicated rapidly from one village to 
another. A regular drum-language has been invented, and this can 
be imitated with the mouth or beaten on the breast, so that conver- 
sation can be carried on by the natives in the presence of white men 
without the latter understanding it, though comprehending the 
spoken language. The drum also serves the ordinary purpose of an 
instrument to dance by, etc. H. W. Henshaw. 



A Modification of Broca*s Stereograph. — Broca*s stereograph 
is one of the most convenient instruments for making geometrical 
drawings of crania. It has, however, the disadvantage of being not 
quite exact on account of lack of stability of the frame and of loose- 
ness of its numerous joints. The principle underlying the construc- 
tion of this instrument is very simple : A steel point which is kept 
vertically on a drawing board is made to follow the outlines and 
sutures of a cranium. The steel point is attached to a cast-iron 
frame, the opposite end of which carries a pencil, forming exactly 
the continuation of the axis of the steel point. When the steel 
point follows the outlines of the cranium the pencil draws a geo- 
metrical projection of the same lines. In Broca*s instrument the 
drawing board stands vertically and consequently the steel point 
must be held horizontally, which requires a rather complicated 
arrangement for suspending and adjusting the frame holding the 



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July 189a] NOTES AND NEWS. 293 

point. By placing the drawing board horizontally this difficulty 
may be overcome, and the apparatus is not only more exact, but at 
the same time far less expensive. It may be described as a com- 
bination of Broca's stereograph and of Von Cohausen's craniograph, 
which latter instrument seems to have hardly ever been used. It 
consists of a large drawing board spanned by a brass bridge which 
is placed about three inches above the board. The strip of brass 
forming the bridge rests on two pieces of wood that are screwed to 
the sides of the board. The bridge carries the cranium. The draw- 
ing apparatus corresponds exactly to that of Broca's stereograph. 
The cast-iron frames, carrying the steel point and the pencil, are, 
however, attached to a heavy iron foot board which slides on four 
feet on the drawing board. It will be seen at once that all the ob- 
jections to Broca's instrument arising from the looseness of its joints 
and the instability of its frame are thus overcome. Experiments 
made with the modified form of the instrument in the anthropolog- 
ical laboratory of Clark University have given very satisfactory re- 
sults. The cranium is held in place on the bridge by means of 
lumps of clay, which serve also for adjusting it in the desired posi- 
tion. A slight modification of the same instrument may be used for 
studies of the endocranium. The steel point which is used for trac- 
ing the outlines of the cranium is removed. A horizontal steel point 
may be attached to the vertical arm of the drawing frame. Its point 
is exactly vertical above the pencil. This horizontal arm is intro- 
duced into the foramen magnum and touches the endocranium. 
The anterior end of the point is curved so that it can touch all 
points of the sagittal and of transversal cross sections of the skull. 
By following the surface of the endocranium the pencil will draw 
the outline of the same. Thus drawings of sections of the skull in 
any plane crossing the foramen magnum may be obtained. 

F. BoAS. 



Primitive Games. — Under this title, Mr. Everard F. im Thum, 
the well-known ethnologist of British Guiana, gives (in Timehn\ 
V. 3, n. s. pt. 2, Dec, 1889) a very interestingaccount of the games 
of the Indians of Guiana, based on his own observations. The paper 
is too long for reproduction, even in abstract. It will be found to 
well repay reading by those interested in the subject of games. 

John Murdoch. 



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291 THE AMBRICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. {Vol. 111. 

Sacred Stone Enclosure of the Fijians. — A full and de- 
tailed account of the ** Nanga of Viti-Leva** is given by Adolph 
B. Joske in Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie (V. 2, pt. 6, 
1889, pp. 254-271). These curious stone enclosures, which were 
used for the celebration of rites similar to those of the Australian 
Bora and probably connected with the club or secret society found 
through all Melanesia, and called the Dukduk, were only discovered 
a few years ago, when the Rev. Lorimer Fison, a Wesleyan mis- 
sionary, succeeded in getting a tolerably good account of its struc- 
ture and of the rites connected with it. Mr. Joske had the good 
fortune to see three of these NUnga (or *' beds *'), though in ruined 
condition, and obtained from the older natives detailed discriptions 
of the Narga rites. 

The Nanga ceremonies were practiced only m a certain limited 
region in Viti-Leva, and were kept up as late as 1876 by the Kaithols, 
or highlanders, who at that date were subjugated by the British gov- 
ernment. **)Vith their subjugation everything was swept away 
which tended to keep alive the memory of old tradition. The lotu 
(Christianity) was professed by all, the ways of the coast tribes were 
adopted, and old fashions discarded, good and bad alike.*' 

It is fortunate that such careful observers have succeeded in rescu- 
ing so much information about this remarkable association which 
is of great interest in connection with the secret societies which 
are continually being discovered among savages elsewhere. 

John Murdoch. 



Elephant Mound. — In an article in Transactions of the Wiscon- 
sin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters (1889) Mr. Peet dis- 
cusses the so-called ** Elephant Mounds." He finds that the present 
condition of the original elephant mound is such as not to permit 
accurate measurements. His examination, however, convinced him 
that the proboscis attributed to the figure, upon which has chiefly 
rested its identification as an elephant, is due to washing of the 
sandy soil. The same conclusion had been reached previously by 
Professor Thomas from an examination and surveys made by 
assistants of the Bureau of Ethnology. Professor Thomas believes 
that the effigy in question was intended for a bear. Mr. Peet's 
conclusion with reference to other so-called elephant mounds ex- 
amined by him is that they represent bears or bisons. 

H. W. Henshaw. 



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July 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 295 

Eastern New Guinea. — "The natives of St. Aigran do not 
appear to have any religions belief, nor to have troubled their heads 
about a future state. The interpreter told me that it was quite 
possible that white men existed somewhere after death, but that his 
people certainly did not. Their belief in the supernatural is confined 
to witchcraft, and the idea that no one can die except from the 
spells of some wizard of a hostile tribe fs the cause of most of their 
wars. The dead are buried, but the head is sometimes afterwards 
exhumed and placed in a stone cairn. . . . Polygamy is 
allowed, but is not common. The usual price for a wife is a stone 
hatchet, shell ear-rings, and three pigs, which, although nearly as 
much as would be paid for the life of a warrior, is not exorbitant, 
considering that a wife cuts wood, draws water, and even plants the 
food on which her husband is to subsist." (Basil Thompson, 
"Narration of an exploring expedition to the eastern part of New 
Guinea,*' Scottish Geographical Magazine , vol. 5, no. 10, Oct., 
1889, pp. 513-527.) John Murdoch. 



Language of the Mosetena Indians of Bolivia. — M. Lucien 
Adam publishes {Revue de Linguistique^ July, 1889) some grammati- 
cal notes on the language of this little tribe of Indians, who live 
near the headwaters of the River Beni, among the mountains ot 
Central Bolivia. These notes are chiefly based on a sort of cate- 
chism published in 1834 by a Spanish missionary. Father Andres 
Herrero, in connection with vocabularies published in 1883 in the 
Kansas City Review by Mr. Edwin R. Heath. M. Adam states 
that the language is not related to any of the known Bolivian 
languages. John Murdoch. 



West African Music. — The governor of the British colony of 
Lagos, on the west coast of Africa, has just published an excellent 
article entitled '*0n the Melodies of the Volof, Mandingo, Ewe, 
Yoruba, and Houssa people of West Africa,** in the number of the 
Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society issued in March, 
1890 (vol. 5, nos. 7-9). In this he gives twenty-two musical scores 
with words, and an interesting account of the occasions on which 
these songs are sung and of the musical instruments used. 

John Murdoch. 



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296 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The Wanyamuesi. — Paul Reichard concludes his interesting 
account of these people in No. 5 of the last volume of Zeitschrift 
der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin (v. 24, 1889, PP* 3<^4""33i)' 
In this article he describes the occupations and amusements of the 
little girls, having dealt with the boys in the preceding article, and 
then goes on to treat at length of the mental and moral character- 
istics of the people, their clothing, and ornaments. Particularly 
noticeable under the last head is his account of the sufferings the 
women endure in fitting on the tight armlets and anklets of twisted 
hair or metal. He then describes their daily occupations, their 
food, and the methods of preparing it, and closes with an account of 
the use of narcotics, tobacco, and hemp. Tlie article is a model of 
ethnographic description and is written in a clear and entertaining 
style. John Murdoch. 



The American Indians. — Dr. Eugene Verrin has published a 
short paper on the American Indians (*'Quelques notres ethnogi- 
niques et ethnographiques sur les Indiens de TAmerique, Bull. Soc. 
d* Ethnographic, April, 1888, pp. 102-106). He accounts for the 
mesaticephalic skull of most of the Indians of the present time as 
the effect of the admixture with an originally dolicocephalic race of 
brachycephalic invaders, enumerating as probable admixtures the 
Canarians or Guanches, the Negroes, the Scandinavians, and the 
Japanese and Malays. After stating, without question, that the 
Indians are all rapidly decreasing in numbers, he goes on to men- 
tion a number of valuable gifts which civilization owes to the Indians. 
Among these he instances tobacco, chocolate, logwood, cochineal, 
arnotto, the tomato, and the potato. John Murdoch. 



Maya Manuscripts. — A. Castaing publishes in the Bulletin de la 
Soci6t6 d' ethnographic a review of the work done in deciphering 
the Maya manuscripts (" La litt6rature 6crite de TAntiquit^ Am^ri- 
caine et le d^chiffrement des textes hieratiques Mayas," Novembre, 
1888, pp. 289-292), beginning with the Landa Manuscript and the 
work of Brasseur de Bombourg and his followers, who he declares 
"did not gain the esteem which their efforts solicited." The new 
school beginning with L^on de Rosny in 1876 has obtained assured 
and decisive results. John Murdoch. 



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THE 



American Anthropologist. 

Vol. III. WASHINGTON. D. C, OCTOBER, 1890. No. 4. 



THE ASCENT OF MAN.* 

BY FRANK BAKER. 

I think I could turn and live awhile with the animals— they are so placid 
and self-contained. 

They bring me tokens of myself « ♦ ♦ 

I do not know where they got those tokens, 

I must have passed that way untold times ago and negligently dropped 

them, 
Myself moving forward then and now and forever. 

Wait Whitman—iSss. 

The science of anthropology, one of the younger daughters of 
human knowledge, is so vast in its scope that to master all of 
its different ramifications seems a hopeless task. Having for its 
object the comprehensive study of man, including his origin, his 
development, and his present condition, its aim is to focus and 
co-ordinate the general results derived from a vast number of 
subordinate branches. The philologist contributes information 
concerning the origin and growth of language and its effect upon 
civilization, the mythologist tells of the psychological side of the 
human mind and traces the rise and progress of religious ideas, 
t he archaeologist, in order to fix their places in the history of man- 
kind, searches for the remains of peoples long since passed away. 
All these depend for their material upon external records, left by 
tradition, by writing, by sculpture, or by implements and weapons. 

* Address of the Vice-President before the Section of Anthropology, American 
Association for the Advancement of Science, at the Indianapolis Meeting, August 
20, 1890. 

38 (297) 



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298 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

With greatest care every habitation of man is searched in order to 
learn from it the details of the life of its former inhabitants. 

Within comparatively recent times still another avenue of infor- 
mation has been found, for we have learned that it is not alone by 
these external records that man's history can be traced, but that 
important facts may be obtained by studying the constitution of 
his body ; that the changes and vicissitudes of his existence are 
recorded on his very bones, in characters long undeciphered but to 
which the clue has at last been found. My labors have led me more 
particularly to this department of anthropology, and a concise sum- 
mary of the main heads of this research may be of value and in- 
terest. 

The views propounded by Lamarck in the early part of this cen- 
tury, with reference to the modification of living organisms by use 
and adaptation, have been remarkably confirmed in modern times. 
Exhaustive researches into the constitution and properties of the 
cells composing living tissues show that they are subject to continual 
change, each impulse from without being registered by some small 
alteration in their physical condition. Impulses of a similar kind 
continuously acting produce greater changes, and long-continued 
repetition notably alters even the hardest and most enduring of 
structures. Thus it is that bones are modified in form by muscular 
pull, and the surfaces of teeth are shaped by incessant grinding. 
These alterations are more readily apparent to us because they affect 
very hard and easily preserved organs, but the effects are equally 
potent, though not so clearly recognizable, in the softer tissues of the 
body. Every act of our lives is certainly but surely registered 
within the marvelous structure of our bodies. Not a muscle can 
contract without an absolute change in its substance; not a nerve- 
cell can discharge without some self-destruction. 

Most of these changes being very minute and evanescent are 
quite beyond our power to accurately estimate, and were the incre- 
ments of change confined to a single lifetime — were each individual 
to stand only for himself and compelled to earn his experience by 
the same tedious struggle — use and adaptation would have but little 
power to mold mankind into races and varieties. Rut by the ac- 
tion of a law as yet imperfectly understood, the adaptations of each 
individual are transmitted to its offspring ; or, to speak more accu- 
rately, the offspring pass through the changes more easily and quickly 
than the parent did. While each has always to go back to the be- 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. 299 

ginning and commence from the simple blastema of the primitive 
^ggy the younger has the advantage of being able to adapt itself 
more quickly to its surroundings, provided these have not too greatly 
changed, and thus starts a little way ahead of its ancestor in the 
race for life. In consequence of this law changes become cumula- 
tive, and a cause acting for a great length of time upon a series of 
successive generations finally produces a well-marked and easily 
observed effect in the structure of individuals — changing colors, 
modifying organs, shaping whole regions of the body. 

Again, if, after such changes have been effected, these causes cease 
to operate and the organs they have shaped are no longer of use, the 
latter become reduced in size, atrophy and recede, remaining, bow- 
ever, in a vestigial condition for many, many generations as 
records of the past history of the race, as dolmens and cromlechs 
certify to former customs and flint arrow-heads and stone hatchets 
give evidence of a previous state of civilization. 

The human body abounds in testimony of this sort — indica- 
tions of the pathway by which humanity has climbed from darkness 
to light, from bestiality to civilization — ^relics of countless ages of 
struggle, often fierce, bloody, and pitiless. 

These are found in every organ of the body, and each new 
investigation adds to their number. To enumerate them all 
would be impossible within the limits assigned me by your patience. 
I will therefore touch only upon a few of the more striking ones, 
especially those connected with the modifications of the limbs, with 
the erect position, and with the segmentation of the body. 

The limbs, being organs of support and locomotion, show great 
variations in the zoological series, and the hand of man has 
long been looked upon as especially significant ^>^is high posi- 
tion in the animal kingdom — one of the chief distinctions be- 
tween him and the nearest brutes. To a certain e3«ent this is 
correct. No creature possesses so highly complex and^ effective 
an organ for grasping and adjusting objects, and it is pre-emi- 
nently this that has made man a tool-using animal. On com- 
paring a human hand with that of the anthropoids it may be seen 
that this efficiency is produced in two ways — first, increasing the 
mobility and variety of action of the thumb and fingers ; second, 
reducing the muscles used mainly to assist prolonged grasp, they 
being no longer necessary to an organ for delicate work requiring 
constant readjustment. Thus some elements are added and some 



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300 THE AMERICAN ANTUUOPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

taken away. Now, according to the theory I have enunciated, the 
latest elements ought to show signs of their recent origin — to be 
somewhat imperfectly differentiated and liable to return to their 
primitive state, while those going out of active use ought to be 
vestigial, not equal in size or force to muscular organs generally, 
very liable to variation or disappearance. This is what actually 
occurs. 

Among the new elements is a special flexor muscle for the thumb 
arising high up on the fore-arm. A very slight examination shows 
that this muscle has been split off from the fibres of the deep flexor 
that bends the terminal joints of the fingers. In most apes the two 
form a single muscle, and in man the thumb flexor very often shows 
unmistakable evidence of such origin. In about lo per cent, of 
persons part of its fibres pass over and become blended with the 
parent muscle. Not infrequently I have seen the two entirely 
united, returning absolutely to their primitive condition. The 
deep and superficial flexors of the fingers show signs of a similar 
relationship, as they frequently blend more' or less, tending to revert 
to the type shown in most lower animals. Indeed, if we go back 
to embryonic life we find all the muscles of the anterior part of the 
fore-arm united in what is termed the pronato-flexor mass, recall- 
ing the original condition of musculature in the earliest animals 
possessing limbs. 

In the category of disappearing muscles comes the palmaris 
longus, an important aid in climbing and grasping. It takes its 
origin from the upper arm and passes to the hand, where it expands 
into a large sheet of thick membrane called the palmar fascia, which 
splits into several slips passing to each finger. The pull of the 
muscle acts upon all the fingers together, keeping them bent without 
independence of action. Now in man the fingers have each two 
separate flexor tendons that can act to a certain extent independently. 
To ensure their independence they are, at the wrist, enclosed in a 
remarkable tubular conduit or subway formed by soldering the 
palmar fascia to the wrist-bones. This at once destroys any effective 
action of the palmaris longus on the fingers and it becomes a flexor 
of the wrist. This soldering undoubtedly took place because the 
muscle was no longer required as a finger-holder. Like other 
organs that after playing a considerable part have come from change 
of habit to be of but little value, it shows the most astonishing 
tendency to variation. Not a week passes in a large dissecting 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. 301 

room that some curious anomaly is not found in this muscle. Some- 
times it is seen almost in its primitive condition, the palmar fascia 
being comparatively movable and the pal maris longus having some 
effect upon the flexion of the fingers ; oftener it unites wholly or 
partially with some portion of the pronato-flexor mass or disappears 
altogether. The disappearance is usually only apparent, however. 
Regressive structures rarely disappear totally, for on careful search 
a strip of fascia can usually be found that represents the atrophied 
and aborted organ. 

Since these two examples differ in that the first represents the 
development of a new muscle while the second is the atrophy of an 
old one, we ought to find racial differences corresponding to these 
two conditions. Our studies of rackil anatomy are as yet far from 
sufficient to give us certain information upon these points, and I 
would especially avoid generalizing upon too meagre data. It has, 
however, appeared to me that in negroes the palmaris longus is more 
inclined to assume its primitive type — that is, to be less likely to 
vary — while the long flexor of the thumb is, on the contrary, more 
inclined to be partially if not wholly united with the deep flexor of 
the fingers. 

Connected intimately with the hand are the other portions of the 
thoracic limb that carry it from place to place. Here again we 
may note many points indicating a progressive development of the 
member. When the arm is naturally and easily bent at the elbow 
it does not carry the hand to the shoulder, as might be expected, 
but towards the mouth. The reason for this is that the articular 
surfaces of the elbow-joint are not cut horizontally across the axis of 
the humerus but inclined at an angle of about 20®. This obliquity 
does not occur in the foetus and is less in Bushmen, Australians, 
and the anthropoid apes. It is associated with another pe- 
culiarity; indeed, may be said to be caused by it. This is 
a twisting of the humerus on its axis, which occurs markedly in the 
higher races. If we hold up endwise the humerus of a European 
we see that the longest diameters of the upper and lower ends very 
nearly coincide. In the negro we find the lower diameter turned 
more towards the body ; still more in the anthropoid apes, and 
again more as we descend the scale. Embryology teaches that the 
humerus was formerly set so that the hollow of the elbow looked 
backward rather than forward, and it seems, therefore, that, as the 
functions of the limb became more various, the lower end of the 



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302 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. 111. 

bone gradually twisted outward around the long axis until its 
diameter described a considerable arc. This turned the hand with 
the palm to the front, extended its range and adapted it for a wider 
usefulness. Greater twist is found in the right humerus than in the 
left and in the humeri of modern times than in those of the stone 
age. As the torsion increased some provision became necessary for 
carrying the hand easily across the body to the mouth. This was 
effected by the inclination of the trochlear surface of the elbow- 
joint already adverted to. 

Many movements of the arm in man are produced by muscles 
acting upon the shoulder-blade or scapula. As the hand was turned 
outward and a wider range given, these increased in extent and im- 
portance, and the scapula accordingly widened out at its vertebral 
border in order to give a more extensive attachment for muscles. 
In order to accurately estimate this change the ratio of the breadth 
to the length of the scapula is taken. This ratio, called the scapu- 
lar index, is highest among the white races, less in the infant, in 
negroes, and in Australians, and still less in anthropoid apes. It is 
significant also that the vertebral border of the scapula is the last to 
form in the foetus. We have, therefore, three modifications — the 
torsion of the humerus, the inclination of its trochlear surface, and 
the scapular index — all depending upon each other, all varying to- 
gether /arr'/^wjw, and all showing a progressive development both 
in the individual and the race. 

. Muscle is composed of one of the most highly organized and ex- 
pensive tissues of the body. Unless fed constantly with a great 
supply of blood to keep up its active metabolic changes, it quickly 
wastes, functional activity being absolutely necessary to its proper 
maintenance, as any one knows who has seen how rapidly the 
muscles of an athlete diminish when he goes out of training. 
If from accident or change of habit its use altogether ceases, its 
protoplasm is gradually removed, its blood-supply diminishes, and 
it shrinks to a mere band or sheet of fibrous tissue. Changes of 
function may therefore affect the form of muscles, one portion 
becoming tendinous or fascia-like ; may even cause them to shift 
their places by inducing a development on one side and an atrophy 
on another, or to disappear altogether, replaced by fascia or liga- 
ment. A similar regression may take place in bone and cartilage, 
a high grade, actively metabolic tissue, difficult to maintain, being 
replaced by a low grade one comparatively slow to change. It is, 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OP MAN. 303 

therefore, not unusual to find that muscles, bones, and cartilages 
performing important functions in some animals are represented by 
vestigial structures in those higher in the scale. Our conclusions 
on this subject are confirmed by finding occasional instances where 
the hereditary tendency has been greater than usual and the parent 
form is reproduced more or less completely in the higher animal. 
The palmar fascia at the distal end of the palmaris longus, to which 
allusion has been made, represents a former muscular portion, relics 
of which probably remain as some of the small thumb muscles. 

Another interesting instance is the epitrochleo-anconeus, a small 
muscle at the elbow-joint, used in apes to effect a lateral movement 
of the ulna upon the humerus. In man the ulna has become so 
shaped that the lateral movement is almost totally lost, and the muscle 
has accordingly degenerated, being represented by a strip of fascia. 
Very often, however, a few muscular fibres are still found in this 
situation. 

Several minor peculiarities that remind us of primitive condi- 
tions occur in the region of the humerus. Occasionally a supra- 
condyloid process is found throwing a protecting arch over the 
brachial artery and median nerve; in this resembling the supra- 
condyloid foramen of marsupials. Struthers found this to be heredi- 
tary, occurring in a father and four children. A perforation of the 
olecranon fossa may probably be regarded as a reversion towards 
the condition of anthropoid apes. This frequently occurs in South 
African and other low tribes and in the men of the stone age. 
Recently Dr. D. S. Lamb has found it remarkably frequent in pre- 
historic Indian humeri from the Salado Valley, Arizona. 

While the region of the hand and fore-arm indicates increased 
of specialization, the upper part of the limb generally testifies 
to a regression from a former more highly developed state. The 
anatomy of the flying apparatus of a bird shows a series of mus- 
cular, ligamentous, and bony structures connected with its upper 
arm far beyond anything ever seen in man. The coracoid bone, a 
very important element of the shoulder girdle in birds, has become 
reduced in man to a little vestigial ossicle that about the sixteenth 
year becomes soldered to the scapula as the coracoid process. The 
muscles arising from this — pectoralis minor, coraco-brachialis, and 
biceps — are structures represented in birds by strong, flying muscles. 
The subclavius, a little slip ending at the clavicle, appears to have 
formerly passed to the coracoid bone or to the humerus and been 



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304 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

employed in arm movement. The pectoralis major appears to 
represent what was formerly a series of muscles. All these have a 
tendency to repeat their past history, and the number of variations 
found among them is legion. The biceps shows traces of its former 
complexity by appearing with three, four, or even five heads, by a 
great variety of insertions, by sending a tendon outside the joint 
capsule instead of through it, as is the rule. The pectoralis major 
may break up into several different muscular integers, inserted from 
the shoulder capsule down to the elbow. The coraco-brachialis 
shows the same instability, and by its behavior clearly indicates its 
derivation from a much larger and more extensive muscular sheet. 

Not less significant are the ligaments about the shoulder. Many 
of these appear to be relics of organs found active in animals lower 
in the scale. Thus the coraco-acromial ligament spanning over 
the shoulder-joint is probably a former extension of the acromion 
process ; the rhomboid, conoid, trapezoid, and gleno-humeral liga- 
ments represent regressive changes in the subclavius muscle, the 
coraco-humeral ligament, a former insertion of the pectoralis minor. 
Bands of the deep cervical fescia alone remain to testify to the 
former existence of the levator claviculae, a muscle present in most 
mammals and used to pull forward the shoulder girdle when walk- 
ing in a quadrupedal position. In negroes I have frequently found 
it more or less complete. A fibrous strip uniting the latissimus 
dorsi to the triceps is all that remains of an important muscle, the 
dorso-epi trochlear is, passing from the back to the elbow or fore-arm, 
used by gibbons and other arboreal apes in swinging from branch 
to branch. Testut found this fully developed in a Bushman. I 
have myself seen various muscular slips that must represent some 
portion of it, and authors generally describe it as occurring in 5 or 
6 per cent, of individuals. 

The hind limbs of apes are popularly thought to be remarkably 
specialized. The term quadrumana or four-handed is used to char- 
acterize the class ; yet it is quite true that this term involves a false 
conception. No animal has four exactly similar feet, still less four 
hands. The feet of the ape differ widely from hands ; the great 
toe is not really opposable like the thumb, but merely separable 
from the others and differently set, so as to afford a grasp like that 
of a cramp-iron. The gibbon alone has a small muscle of the foot 
that may be compared with the opponens of the thumb. That 
these peculiarities are also shared by man to some extent is also well 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OP MAN. 305 

known. It is quite possible to train the toes to do a certain kind of 
prehensile work, even to write, cut paper, and sew. A baby not 
yet able to walk can often pick up small objects with its toes. Com- 
pare the marks caused by muscular action on the sole of a baby's 
foot with those on the hand, and it will be seen that there are dis- 
tinct signs of this prehension. Even the opponens hallucis of the 
gibbon is not infrequently found in man. 'Qie foetal condition of 
the foot also approaches that of the apes, the heel being shorter and 
the joints so arranged that the sole can be easily turned inward. In 
the ape the first or great toe is turned backward and outward by 
shortening its metatarsal bone and setting it obliquely upon the 
ankle. This shortening and obliquity also occur in the foetus ; the 
adult condition, in which the metatarsal bone is lengthened and set 
straight so as to give a longer and firmer internal border to the foot, 
being gradually acquired. Many savage tribes still uise the foot for 
climbing and have a shorter metatarsal, a wider span between the 
first and second toes, and greater ease in inverting the sole. Con- 
nected with this ease of inversion should be mentioned a peculiar, 
ape-like form of the tibia that occurs in people of the stone age, in 
the mound-builders, and in some American Indians. This is a flat- 
tened, sabre-like condition of the bone known as platycnemy. It 
is apparently to give greater surface of attachment and resistance 
to the pull of the tibialis anticus, the principal muscle that turns 
the sole inward. It is interesting to note that this peculiarity is 
much more marked in some early human skeletons than in any of 
the anthropoids. 

The poet says that while other animals grovelling regard the earth, 
' Jupiter gave to man an uplifted countenance, artd ordered him to 
look heavenward and hold his face erect towards the stars. 

" Pronaque cum spectent animalia cetera terrain, 
Os homini sublime dedit, ccelumque tueri 
Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." * 

Ovid^ Metamorphoses : I, 84-86, 

* Compare Milton : 

**A creature who not prone 
And brute as other creatures, but endued 
With sanctity of reason, might erect 
His stature, and upright with front serene 
Govern the rest, self-knowing." ' 

Paradise Lost: VI l^ jo6-Sio, 



39 



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306 ' THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The erect position is, however, gradually acquired. As in the 
sphinx's riddle, we literally go on all fours in the morning of life, 
and the difficulty that an infant experiences in learning to walk erect 
is strong evidence that that is an accomplishment acquired by the 
race late in its history. We ought, if this is the case, to find in 
the human body indications of a previous semi-erect posture. There 
is a vast amount of evidence of this character, and I can only sketch 
the outlines of it. 

The erect position in standing is secured by the shape of the foot, 
by the attachment of strong muscles at points of sev^est strain, and 
by the configuration of the great joints which permits them to be 
held locked when a standing posture is assumed. All these features 
are liable to great variation ; they are less marked in children and 
in the lower races. Let us examine them somewhat more carefully. 

The Caucasian type of foot is evidently that best adapted for the 
erect position. The great toe is larger, stronger, and longer than 
the others, making a firm support for the inner anterior pier of the 
arch formed by the bones — an arch completed by a well-developed 
heel and maintained by a strong dense band of fascia and ligament 
binding the piers together like the tie-rod of a bow-string truss — 
thus producing a light and elastic structure admirably adapted to 
support the weight of the body and diminish the effect of shocks. 
In the lower races of man all these characters are less marked. 
The great toe is shorter and smaller, the heel-bone less strongly 
made, the arch much flatter. This flattening of the arch produces 
the projection of the heel found in some races. 

The muscles required for maintaining the erect position are those 
which frdm our predilection for human anatomy we are apt to call 
the ^^«/ extensors, overlooking the fact that in other animals they 
are by no means as well developed as in man. Being required at 
the points of greatest strain, all are situated on the posterior aspect 
of the body — the calf, the buttock, and the back. 

A very slight examination of any lower animal will show 
how strikingly it differs in the muscular development of these re- 
gions. The great muscle of man's calf, the triceps extensor sura, 
IS formed by the welding together of some four muscles separate 
in many lower forms. Varieties are found in man showing all grades 
of separation in these elements. One of the muscles, the planta- 
ris, was formerly a great flexor of the toes, the plantar fascia repre- 
senting its former distal extent. Like the palmaris of the arm it lost 



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Oct, 189a] THE ASCENT OP MAN. 307 

its original function Ijy the welding of the fascia to the bones to 
secure the plantar arch, and its functions being then assumed by 
other muscles it began to dwindle, and is now represented by a mere 
vestigial rudiment of no functional value. It is well known that 
the lower races of men have smaller calves than Europeans. Again, 
it should be noted that as the erect position is assumed the muscles 
required for the flexion and independent action of the toes become 
reduced in character. A comparison with other forms shows that 
some of the small muscles now confined to the region of the foot 
formerly took their origin higher up, from the bones of the leg. 
Losing in functional importance, they have dwindled in size and 
gradually moved downward. 

The great glutaei muscles of the buttock find their highest devel- 
opment in man. They are subject to similar variations. Certain 
muscles of this region, normal in apes, are occasionally found in 
man — a separate head of the great glutaeus, derived from the ischium, 
and the scansorius, or climbing muscle, that assists the great flexor 
of the thigh (the ilio-psoas) may be mentioned. 

The enormous size and complexity of the muscles of the back in 
man are well known. The erector of the spine fills up the vertebral 
grooves and sends up tendons along the back like stays supporting 
the masts of a ship. The mass of this muscle is comparatively less 
in anthropoids. 

Notwithstanding all these powerful muscles, it would be impossible 
to retain the erect position for any great length of time were we to 
depend upon them alone, for it requires as before stated, a great ex- 
penditure of force to keep a muscle in active use. It becomes rap- 
idly fatigued and then loses its power, as any one may prove by 
standing in any constrained position, even ** in the position of a 
soldier," for half an hour. To provide against this a beautiful 
arrangement of joints and ligaments has been developed. 

When in the erect attitude the anlde-joint is so arranged that its 
bones are in a position of greatest stability, and the center of gravity 
is so adjusted that it falls directly upon it. This reduces to a mini- 
mum the amount of muscular force required to keep the body erect. 
At the knee the center of gravity falls a little in front of the axis of 
the limb, and the back and sides of the joint are provided with 
check ligaments or straps that hold the joints locked in a position 
of hyper-extension, so that no muscular force whatever is used to 
maintain it. These ligaments are regressive structures, being ves- 



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308 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOIX)GIST. [Vol. III. 

tiges of former insertions of muscles near the joint. At the hip a 
similar condition occurs, the center of gravity falling behind the 
joint and the whole weight of the trunk being hung upon the ilio- 
femoral ligament. This structure is much more marked in man than 
in other mammals, and is found to vary considerably in its size and 
strength. 

The spinal column has been remarkably modified to adapt it to 
the erect position. Before the fifth month of uterine life the whole 
spine describes a single, large, dorsally directed curve like that of the 
quadruped, arranged to accommodate the viscera. As this would be 
incompatible with the erect posture, two additional curves in the 
opposite direction are formed — one in the region of the loins just 
where the center of gravity would begin to fall forward, another 
in the neck to counteract the heavy and unstable weight of the 
head. These curves are gradually acquired. While possessed 
by all races, and in a less degree by the higher apes, they arrive at 
their highest development in Europeans. Careful measurements 
show that the shapes of the vertebrae have been gradually modified. 
There is no abrupt transition from the spine of the lowest savages — 
Australian, Bushman, Andaman — to that of the gorilla, gibbon, and 
chimpanzee, and the Inmbar curve of the lower races of men is 
much better adapted to running in a semi-erect position through 
the jungle or bush. 

There is also evidence that the posterior limbs have moved for- 
ward upon the spinal column in order that the erect position may 
be assumed with less effort. In man there are between the skull and 
the sacrum twenty-four vertebrae. The other primates have usually 
twenty-six, although the gorilla, chimpanzee, and orang agree with 
man. Now in foetal life the attachment of the hip-bones to the 
sacrum commences from below upward. Union first occurs with 
the third sacral vertebra, leaving twenty-six presacral, then ad- 
vances forward, the first sacral uniting last of all. The hip-bones 
actually move up along the spine a distance of two segments. Occa- 
sionally this shifting is carried still farther, and but twenty-three 
presacral vertebrae are left. Anomalies caused by an arrest of devel- 
opment at some stage of this process are not at all infrequent. The 
most common is the want of union between the hip-bones and the 
first sacral vertebra, thus producing apparently six lumbar vertebrae. 
A most beautiful specimen of this anomaly was found last winter in 
my laboratory. 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. 309 

The spine is sustained erect by stringing from vertebra to vertebra 
numbers of short ligaments that reduce to a minimum the muscular 
exertion required to support it. These are particularly numerous 
between the spines along the great dorsal curvature. Some of these 
ligaments are replaced by small muscles, very inconstant and vari- 
able, the survivals of a whole system of musculature that had for its 
object the moving of the separate joints of the spine, one upon 
another. 

The head is also much modified by the erect position. In quad- 
rupeds its suspension requires an extensive apparatus, a large, 
strong, elastic strap — the ligamentum nuchae — passing from the tips 
of the thoracic vertebrae to the occiput, sending processes to all the 
neck vertebrae involved in the strain. Though need for it has in 
great degree ceased, since the head has become poised in such a way 
as to involve but little expenditure of muscular force, yet relics of 
this great suspensory apparatus remain in man's neck in the form of 
thickened fascial bands. 

The arrangement of the great foramen of the skull that trans- 
mits the central axis of the nervous system, the spinal cord, is neces- 
sarily different in an animal carrying its head erect. The foramen 
would naturally tend to be set forward, more under the center of 
gravity, and its inclination would be more nearly horizontal. Here 
again we see that the ideally perfect form is more nearly approached 
in the civilized races. It is never quite realized, and indeed the 
whole skull and its contents evince markedly that they are still 
undergoing an evolution. Again the lower races show variations 
that unite them with the anthropoids. While a negro may have a 
foramen magnum inclined 37® to the horizontal, the orang may fall 
to 36^ 

But it is not only in this way that we get evidence that the erect 
position has been gradually acquired. Since gravity plays an im- 
portant part in the functions of the visceral and circulatory systems, 
any marked change in the line of equilibrium must necessarily be 
accompanied by disturbances. These disturbances, to a certain ex- 
tent, conflict with the acquirement of the position ; as they weaken 
the animal. In the course of time the body may perhaps become 
adapted to the changed conditions, but before that perfect adapta- 
tion takes place there is a period of struggle. There is abundant 
evidence that such a struggle has occurred and is yet going on ; the 
adaptation being as yet far from complete. 



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310 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The most striking and important of these adaptations concerns 
the pelvis. When the erect posture is assumed, the weight of the 
viscera being thrown upon this bony girdle, it becomes adapted for 
their support by becoming more fixed and dish-like in shape. This 
is naturally more pronounced in the female, since with her the pelvis 
must bear the additional weight of the pregnant uterus. It is 
evident that a solid, unyielding, laterally expanded ring of small 
aperture would give the most effective support in the erect position, 
but it is equally clear that with any such structure parturition would 
be impossible. In the quadruped the act of parturition is compara- 
tively easy, the pelvis offering no serious hindrance. The shape of 
the female pelvis is therefore the result of a compromise between two 
forms — one for support, the other for ease in delivery. When we reflect 
that along with the acquirement of the erect position the size of the 
head of the child has gradually increased, thus forming still another 
obstacle to delivery and to the adaptation which might otherwise 
have taken place, we can realize how serious the struggle has been, 
and no longer wonder that deaths in child-birth are much more 
common in the higher races, and that woman in her entire organi- 
zation shows signs of having suffered more than man in the upward 
struggle. 

In no other animal is there shown such a distinction between the 
pelvis of the male and that of the female — a distinction that increases 
as we ascend the scale. While the amount of individual variation 
is great, we yet see, particularly in the pelvis of the Andaman Island- 
ers and of the Polynesian races, distinctly anthropoid characters. 
The scanty material at hand indicates that a similar transition 
occurred between the modern and prehistoric types. The approx- 
imation of the infantile and simian forms is well known. 

The pelvis alone does not suffice to support the viscera. In 
quadrupeds the whole weight is slung from the horizontal spine by 
means of a strong elastic suspensory bandage of fascia, the tunica 
abdominalis. The part of this near the thorax has in man entirely 
disappeared, being no longer of any use. In the groin it remains 
to strengthen the weak points where structures pass out from the 
abdominal cavity. That it often is insufficient to withstand the 
great pressure is testified by the great prevalence of hernia, another 
sign of imperfect adaptation. The frequency of uterine displace- 
ments, almost unknown in the quadruped, has also been noted. It 
is significant that one of the most effective postures for treating and 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OP MAN. 311 

restoring to place the disturbed organ is the so-called " knee-elbow 
position/* decidedly quadrupedal in character. 

Many other indications are found in the viscera. The urinary 
bladder is so arranged in man that any concretions do not gather 
near the opening of the urethra where they might be discharged, 
but fall back into the cul-de-sac at the base, where they enlarge and 
irritate the mucous lining. The caecum, with its vermiform 
appendage, a vestigial organ finding its proper functional activity 
far below man, is so placed in quadrupeds that the action of gravity 
tends to free it from foecal accumulations. In man this is not the 
case, and as a consequence inflammation of this organ or its sur- 
rounding tissues, very serious and often fatal, is by no means rare. 
It may be noted that the ascending colon is obliged to lift its con- 
tents against gravity, and that in a lowered state of the system this 
might very readily induce torpidity of function. 

The gall bladder in quadrupeds also discharges at an advanta- 
geous angle. In man, although the difference is slight, it appears to 
be sufficient to cause at times retention and consequent inspissation 
of the bile, leading to the formation of gall-stones. 

The quadruped's liver hangs suspended from the spine, but as 
the erect attitude is assumed it depends more and more from the 
diaphragm. The diaphragm in its turn develops adhesions with the 
fibrous covering of the heart, which is continuous with the deep 
fascia of the neck, so that in effect the liver hangs suspended from 
the top of the thorax and base of the skull. This restricts in S9me 
degree the action of the diaphragm and confines the lungs. This 
must have an effect upon the aeration of the blood, and consequently 
upon the ability to sustain prolonged and rapid muscular exertion. 
An extra lobe of the right lung that in animals intervenes, either 
constantly or during inspiration, between the heart and the dia- 
phragm, is occasionally found in a vestigial state in man. 

The vascular system abounds in evidences that it was primarily 
adapted to the quadrupedal position. By constant selection for 
enormous periods of time the vessels have become located in the best 
protected situations. It is scarcely possible to injure a vessel of any 
size in an animal without deeply penetrating the body or passing 
quite through a limb. In man, on the contrary, several great 
trunks are comparatively exposed, notably the great vessels of the 
thigh, those of the fore-arm, and of the ventral wall. 

The influence that gravity has upon the circulation is well known. 



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312 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The horizontal position of the great venous trunks favors the easy 
flow of blood to the heart without too greatly accelerating it. Man, 
in whom these trunks are vertical, suffers thereby from two 
mechanical defects — the difficulty of raising blood through the 
ascending vena cava, whence come congestion of the liver, cardiac 
dropsy, and a number of other disorders, and the too rapid delivery 
through the descending cava, whence the tendency to syncope 
or fainting if for any cause the action of the heart is lessened. 
Clevenger's admirable discovery that the valves of the veins are 
arranged for a quadrupedal position should also be mentioned here. 
Evidently intended to resist the action of gravity, they should, to 
be effective, be found in the large vertical trunks. But in the most 
important of these they are wanting ; hence are caused many dis- 
orders arising from hydrostatic pressure, such as varicose veins, 
varicocele, haemorrhoids, and the like. Yet they occur in several 
horizontal trunks, where they are, as far as we know, of no use 
whatever. Place man on all fours, however, and it is seen that the 
entire system of valves is arranged with reference to the action of 
gravity in that position. The great vessels along the spine and the 
portal system being then approximately horizontal do not require 
valves, while all the vertical trunks of considerable size, even the 
intercostal and jugular veins, are provided with them. A confirma- 
tion of this view is found in the fact that the valves are variable in 
character and tend to disappear in the veins where they are no 
longer needed. 

Every animal possessing a back -bone may be said to consist of a 
series of disc-like segments, arranged on a longitudinal axis. These 
segments are originally similar in character, but become specially 
modified in innumerable ways to meet the needs of the individual. 
Anatomists conclude, upon surveying the whole field, that this 
indicates a derivation of the vertebrates from some form of the 
annelid worms, among which a single unit produces by successive 
budding a compound longitudinal body. This view is fully con- 
firmed by the behavior of the human embryo. 

The number of the segments varies considerably, rising sometimes 
to as nuny as three hundred in some fishes and reptiles, and being 
generally greater in the animals below man. There are many 
indications, however, that in man, segments formerly possessed have 
disappeared. Leaving the skull for the present out of account, 
there are in the adult thirty-three or thirty-four vertebrae that may 



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Oct. ^890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. 313. 

be held to represent these segments ; the additional vertebra, when 
it occurs, almost invariably belonging to the coccygeal or caudal 
series. In the human embryo thirty-eight segments can at one time 
be made out. Four or five of these generally disappear, but cases 
are by no means wanting in which they remain until after birth and 
constitute a well-marked free tail. In one case, carefully examined ^ 
and described by Lissner, a girl of twelve years had an appendage 
o( this character 12.5 centimeters long. Other observers, probably 
less careful and exact, report much greater lengths. From some 
observations it would appear that abnormities of this kind may be 
transmitted from parent to offspring. 

Dr. Max Bartels recently collected from widely scattered litera- 
ture reports of 116 actually observed and described cases of tailed 
men. In 35 instances authors reported such abnormities to be 
possessed by an entire people, they themselves having observed cer- 
tain individuals. These cases are scattered throughout the whole 
of the known globe and extend back for a thousand years. When 
we consider that the authenticity of many cases is beyond question, 
and that the number that escaped accurate observation and report 
must be much greater, we can see that we are not dealing with so 
rare a phenomenon as would at first be supposed. 

Other regressive structures are abundant in this region. The 
spinal cord in its earlier state extended the entire length of the 
vertebral canal. In the child at birth it occupies only 85 per cent, 
of that length ; in the adult 75 per cent. This is due mainly to the 
more rapid growth of the spine. There stretches, however, from 
the lower end of the cord down to the very end of the spine a 
small thread-like structure, the filum terminale, a degenerated vestige 
of the lower caudal part of the spinal cord. Wiedersheim suggests 
that the frequent occurrence of degenerative disorders in the lower 
end of the adult cord may be due to a pathological extension of 
the normal atrophy. Rauber found in this region traces of two 
additional pairs of spinal nerves. The vessel that runs down in 
front of the sacrum and coccyx corresponding to the caudal artery 
of quadrupeds shows signs of a former more extensive distribution, 
as it ends in a curiously convoluted structure known as the coccygeal 
gland, containing vestiges of vascular and nervous tissues. Traces 
of caudal muscles still remain, notably the ischio-coccygeus, which 
in animals moves the tail sideways, and the anterior and posterior 
sacro-coccygeus, for flexing and extending it. Occasionally the 
40 



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314 THE AMERICAN ANTHROP0TXK3IST. [Vol. III. 

agitator caudae is found as a muscular slip passing from the femur to 
the coccyx. These muscles cannot be of any value in man, as the 
coccyx is practically immovable. At the point where the end of 
the spine was primarily attached to the skin a dimple is formed by 
regressive growth, and here the direction of the hairs also shows an 
.aborted organ. 

Another interesting condition connected with segmentation is 
the varying number of ribs. Most mammals have more ribs than 
man, and as we descend in the scale they continue to increase. A 
study of development indicates that a rib is probably to be considered 
as an integral portion of a vertebra. As the arch of a vertebra en- 
closes the central nervous system, so the ribs enclose the visceral 
system. If this be correct they ought to be found throughout as 
far as the body cavity extends. This is really the case. They exist 
in the neck as the anterior bars of the transverse processes, in the 
loins as the transverse or costal processes themselves, in the sacrum 
welded together into what are known as the lateral masses. A great 
number of considerations derived from comparative anatomy, from 
embryology, and from variations found in the adult combine to 
support these conclusions. 

Nothing would seem less likely at first sight than that the capa- 
cious expanded brain-case or skull with its complicated structure 
should be composed of segmental pieces like the vertebrae ; yet 
there is no doubt that the poet Goethe was on the right track when 
he made that important generalization. The details of the segmen- 
tation are very far from being worked out, but a vast amount of 
evidence indicates that the general conclusion is correct. 

Since the predominant necessity in the construction of the skull 
is to afford a protection for the brain, we need not be surprised to 
find that it is very greatly nK)dified in man. Enormous labor has 
been bestowed upon craniology in an attempt to separate definitely 
the races of men as well as to connect them with the lower forms. 
The success fh establishing races has not been such as was antici- 
pated. A constant intergrading of forms defies all attempts at a 
hard and fast classification. We also see types that intergrade be- 
tween anthropoids and man, and find abundant evidence that the 
human skull was derived from a form similar to that of still lower 
mammals. 

At first man's skull seems to be much simpler than the typical 
form. The bones are fewer and less complicated. But follow back 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. . 315 

the course of development and we find the bones separating — the 
frontal into two pieces, the occipital and temporal each into four, 
the sphenoid into eight, repeating what we find as we descend the 
vertebrate scale. 

Many of these peculiarities may remain throughout life. Such 
are the interparietal bone, found very frequently in ancient Peru- 
vian and Arizonian skulls ; the division of the frontal and temporal 
bones each into two, the persistence of the intermaxillary bones 
and of that division of the cheek or malar bone known as the os 
japonicum. Even cleft palate, a deformity and defect in man, 
merely reproduces a state natural to some of the lower mammals. 

There are also present structures that are homologous with the 
so-called visceral arches represented in the thorax by ribs. Such 
are the lower jaw, the hyoid bone, and the thyroid cartilage. A 
study of the embryo shows us that these are portions of a series of 
bars primitively arranged on the plan of the branchial apparatus of 
the water-breathing vertebrates. Each bar has its appropriate skele- 
ton and vascular supply, and is separated from the contiguous ones 
by a cleft that at first passes entirely through the soft tissues and 
communicates with the primitive visceral cavity. These clefts may 
persist and cause serious deformities. The skeleton of the man- 
dibular and hyoid bars is remarkable as containing indications of 
elements present in the lower vertebrates. In fishes the lower jaw 
articulates with a large bone apparently not found in mammals, but 
on tracing carefully the development of the mammalian skull it is 
found that this bone is represented by the incus, one of the minute 
ossicles of the ear. In the foetus the primitive lower jaw, in the 
shape of a bar of cartilage, actually extends into the ear cavity and 
the upper end of it remains as the malleus. Relics of the hyoid or 
second branchial arch are also found — the styloid process of the 
temporal bone being one of them. 

The capacity of the cranium is usually held to distinguish man 
remarkably, yet the lowest microcephali approach the apes in this 
respect, and the lower races have unquestionably smaller brains than 
the higher. As far as can be judged, there has also been an increase 
in average capacity during historic times.* One fact pointed out by 
Gratiolet is very significant. In monkeys and in the inferior races 
the ossification of the sutures commences at the anterior part of the 
head, while in Europeans these sutures are the last to close. This 
would indicate a greater and longer continued increase of the 
frontal lobes of the brain. 



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316 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. 111. 

The same remarks may be made concerning the facial angle 
and prognathism. While by none of the different angles pro- 
posed have we been able to definitely separate distinct races, yet 
we find that the angle of the lower races and of microcephali 
approaches that of the anthropoids, and that as the capacity of the 
skull has increased the jaw has been thrust back under it to supjKjrt 
the weight. This shortening of the jaw gives the characteristic ex- 
pression of the civilized face. We at once recognize a brutal physi- 
ognomy by the projection and development of the great masticating 
apparatus, used in most animals near man as a formidable weapon 
of defense. The shortening has produced some very remarkable 
changes. It has shoved the third molar or wisdom tooth so far 
back that it is crowded against the ascending part of the jaw, 
thereby occasioning disturbance and trouble in its eruption. Being 
no longer practically useful, it tends to disappear, and many people 
never cut any wisdom teeth. Among the Australasians, on the con- 
trary, a fourth molar is not infrequently found, and rarely in Euro- 
pean skulls. Evidences also exist of a lost incisor in the upper jaw 
on each side. Dental follicles form for it and usually abort, but 
occasionally the tooth appears fully developed in the adult. The 
great canines or eye-teeth, used in apes and other animals for tear- 
ing and holding, are in them longer and larger than the other teeth, 
and room is made for them in the opposite jaw by leaving an inter- 
val, called the diastema, between the canine and the tooth next to 
it. These large projecting canines have disappeared in the normal 
human skull and the diastema has accordingly dosed up. Yet it is 
by no means uncommon to see the whole arrangement reappear, 
especially in low-type skulls. Projecting canines or **snag teeth** 
are so common in low faces as to be universally remarked, and 
would be oftener seen did not dentists interfere and remove them. 
It may be noted also that the muscle that lifts the lip from over the 
canines and bares the weapon often reappears in man and is used 
in snarling and disdainful expressions. 

Many details of structure of the skull point in the same direction. 
Occasionally the occipital bone has a third condyle as in some other 
mammals or a large lateral projection like that of a vertebra, the 
paramastoid process, or indications of a separate centrum {os dasioti- 
cum of Albrecht). It may have interiorly a hollow {fosseUe ver- 
mienne) for the vermiform process of the cerebellum, and exteriorly 
a large transverse ridge (Jorus occipitalis) for the insertion of the 
muscles of the nape. All these peculiarities are more frequent as 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OF MAN. 317 

we descend the scale, whether we regard the lower races of man, 
microcephalic individuals, or lower animals. Like many of these 
atavistic features they are also more common among the criminal 



I have omitted the discussion of. many important structural features 
that mark various stadia in man's ascent. From the muscular system 
alone there could be adduced a very great number of instances of the 
survival of primitive forms and of progressive variations, particularly 
in the development of the muscles of the face and breast. In the 
osseous system also there are many such, among which may be men- 
tioned the episternal bones, the central bones of the wrist and ankle, 
and the os acetabuli. The exact significance of these is still under 
discussion, as is also the question of supernumerary digits that some- 
times appear on the hands and feet. 

Additional instances might be drawn from the visceral system. 
The larynx contains small throat pouches like the great air sacs 
of the anthropoids. The pharynx of the embryo is lined with 
cilia like that of the very lowest vertebrates. Traces of the primi- 
tive intestine are shown by the peculiar distribution of nerves and 
the folding of the peritoneum. The liver and spleen both occa- 
sionally indicate a previous simpler condition, and the intestine has 
sometimes diverticula of no functional use— indeed, likely to be dis- 
advantageous — yet pointing to a previous state. These anomalies 
never occur at random, but can be explained consistently upon the 
theory of reversion. 

The genito-urinary system abounds in them. The uterus may 
have two cavities, as in many quadrupeds, or approach that condition 
by being bicornuate, as in apes, and a great variety of other ves- 
tigial structures occur, all pointing back to an original neutral con- 
dition, before the sexes were differentiated. 

In the nervous system there is no lack of instances. Our studies of 
the brain are as yet far from complete — indeed, we seem to be only 
at the threshold of a reasonable knowledge of the nervous centers — 
and the crowd of names, the inextricable maze of synonymy that 
now obscures that region is only a mark of our ignorance. It is. a 
case of ^^omne ignotumpro mirifico** — ignorant of the true value of 
the partis we examine, we have named even the most insignificant 
details of structure. Perhaps one of the most interesting results of 
modern research is the conclusion that the psychic life of our ances- 
tors must have been different from our own, since they possessed 



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318 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

organs of sensation differing in degree and probably in kind. The 
sense of smell as indicated by the size of the olfactory bulbs of the 
brain is decreasing in acuteness. The foetal brain posseses compara- 
tively larger bulbs, as do also the brains of lower races and of an- 
thropoids. The sense, being no longer required for the preservation 
of the species, is slowly becoming dulled. Jacobson's organ, a 
curious structure found in many mammals, combining in some 
unknown manner the olfactory and gustatory senses, occurs in a 
vestigial state in man, and the duct connecting it with the mouth 
yet remains as the anterior palatine canal. The pineal and 
pituitary bodies of the brain probably represent obliterated sense 
organs, the former being an eye, the latter having some connection 
with the pharynx. Our other senses have also been modified. 
The eye has a rudimentary third eyelid, such as birds and lizards 
possess, covered with minute hairs. The external ear shows signs of 
derivation from the pointed ear of quadrupeds and abounds in ves- 
tigial muscles such as they use for controlling and directing it. 

From this rapid sketch it will be apparent to you that the evidence 
that man's path upward has led along the same route traveled by 
other animals is now very powerful in its cumulative weight. By 
no other argument can we satisfactorily explain the bewildering maze 
of resemblances ; yet when called upon fix the exact line by which 
we have reached our present estate we at once meet with serious diffi- 
culties. It is a popular misconception that there has been a regular 
chain-like series, with now and then a ** missing link.*' The vari- 
ous races of men and the anthropoids are merely one branch of the 
great tree Yggdrasil, that overshadows the whole earth and reaches 
up into heaven. The individuals that we compare occupy the ter- 
minal twigs of that branch, being not related directly but only as 
springing from a common stock. The fact that resemblances occur 
does not necessarily prove a lineal descent but rather a common 
ancestry. The races of man arose far back in prehistoric night. 
Each in its own way fought the struggle for existence. Favored 
more by climate, the Caucasian appears to have attained an intellect- 
ual superiority; yet it should not be forgotten that the others also 
excel, each in its own special way. The white races endure with 
difficulty the climate of the tropics, and without help would starve 
in the Australian bush and the Arctic ice-fields. 

Notwithstanding all that I have said concerning reversive char- 
acters, we yet have hardly sufficient structural grounds for separating 



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Oct. 1890.] THE ASCENT OP MAN. 319 

the races of man. Different varieties of the Caucasian race show 
marked variations. Between the lowest and most brutalized labor- 
ers and the cultivated and intelligent classes there exist anatomical 
differences as great as those which separate the white and the negro. 
The rapid change in the African races, remarkably shown in Amer- 
ica in the three generations now before us, is a more conclusive 
proof of inferiority, as it indicates that they have not had time to 
acquire fixed characters. 

Again, as to the anthropoids, it is evident that they have widely 
diverged from man, and that none represent the primitive ancestor 
from which all were derived. The comparison of a human skull 
with that of an adult gorilla or chimpanzee is very striking. On 
the one hand we see all the structural features subordinated to the 
necessity of forming a capacious receptacle for the brain; on the 
other, a similar subordination for producing an effective fighting 
apparatus — ^jaws, teeth, and ridges for the insertion of powerful 
muscles. In one, intelligence predominates; in the other, force. 
The skulls of the young of all these species show, however, much 
greater resemblances than those of adults. This seems to indicate 
that there must have been a primitive common type from which all 
have diverged. Savages when ill-fed and living in unfavorable con- 
ditions may simulate the habits of anthropoids, and this has an effect 
upon their physical structure, yet not on that account should we too 
readily accept their close relationship. 

In this summary, I have purposely refrained from any discussion of 
the physiological phenomena that necessarily accompany anatomical 
structure. Yet these are most important. Anatomy and physiology 
are inseparable, each being dependent upon the other. The results 
of the erect position, of increased size of brain, of greater speciali- 
zation of limbs, are almost incalculably great; so great that they 
affect the whole life of the animal— control his habitsi, direct his 
* actions in war and in the chase, and finally mold peoples, nations, 
and races. 

As Cuvier was able to deduce an animal's habits from the shape 
gf his teeth, so we may speculate as to man's past and future from 
an examination of his anatomy. Expede Herculem has not ceased 
to be true. It would be impossible for me to adequately treat of 
all these results in one short hour; the subject must necessarily be 
deferred to another time and another place. If I have succeeded 
in showing you that structural features form no insignificant part of 
anthropology my object is attained. 



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320 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [VoK III. 

"Gens** and "Sub-gens/* as expressed in four Siouan Lan- 
guages. — The American Anthropologist for April, 1888, contained 
an article, ** Meaning of the words for Gens in the Iroquoian and 
Algonquian Tongues,*' by Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt. He states that in 
nearly all the Iroquoian languages the word for gens also signifies 
clay or mud, and he finds a like peculiarity in the Algonquian. This 
is not the case with the four Siouan languages under consideration. 

In Dakota, gens is o-tsW-ix, fire-place ; hence, one of the names 
which the Dakotas have given themselves, O-tshe'-ti sha'-ko-win, 
seven fire-places, comprising the seven original gentes, now tribes, 
Mdewakantonwan, Wakhpekute, Wakhpetonwan, Sisitonwan, Ihank- 
tonwan, Ihanktonwanna, and Titonwan. The sub-gens is ti-o- 
shpa-ye, a group of those who camp by themselves. 

The Omaha and Ponka call the gens tan'-wan-gdhan u-ba'-nan or 
tan'-wan-gdhan u-ba'-te, a village or group of people springing from 
a common stock — banan and bate, referring to a clump of trees 
springing from a common root or stump. All the gentes are 
described as tan'-wan-gdhan ba-nan'-nan, or tan'-wan-gdhan ba-te'-te. 
But their terms for sub-gens are tan'-wan-gdhan u-ki'-gdha-sne, a 
segment of a village, or, one of the parts into which a stump has been 
split (u-ga.-snG), and u-ne'-dhe, afire-place. 

The Kansa have the term tan'-man u-ki'-pa-te, sociative in form, 
and therefore applicable to the sub-gens rather than to the gens. 

The Osage tell of the Tsi'-shu u-tse' pe-dhun'-pa, the Han'ka u-tse' 
pe-dhun'-pa, and the Wa-ca'-ce u-tse' pe-dhun'-pa, all twenty-one 
gentes being in the Osage nation or confederacy. U-tse means 
Are-place, and pe-dhu°-pa seven. There are fully sixty-seven gentes 
and sub-gentes among the Osage, that number of names having been 
gained, but the name for sub-gens is still unknown to the writer. 
Another Osage term for **gens** is u-pa-tse, which corresponds to 
the Omaha and Ponka ubate. 

The Tciwere tribes (Iowa, Oto, and Missouri) call a gens ki-kra- 
tshe, as, Wa-ka"' ki-kra'-tshe, they call themselves {after a) Snake, 
The name for sub-gens was not obtained, though each Iowa gens had 
four sub-gentes whose names have been recorded (excepting those 
of one gens), and there are still sub-gentes in one Missouri gens. 

The Winnebago name (or gens is i-ki'-ka-ra' tsha-da, answering to 
the Tciwere kikratshe. Hence, Ta'i-ki'-ka-ra'-tsha-da, the Deer gens. 
No name for sub-gens has yet been found by the writer, though there 
arc sub-gentes in the Bird gens. J. Owen Dorsey. 



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Oct. 1890.] ANCIENT SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 321 



EXCAVATIONS IN AN ANCIBNT 80AP8T0NB QUARRT 
IN THB DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES. 

Having completed the examination of the quartzite bowlder quar- 
ries on Piny Branch and Rock Creek, it seemed appropriate that 
some attention should be paid to the soapstone quarries of the neigh- 
borhood. It was hoped that a comparison of the methods of quarry- 
ing and manufacture and of the tools used in the two classes of quarries 
would throw some light upon the relationships of the peoples con- 
cerned and thus aid in the solution of one of the foremost problems 
of American archaeology, the antiquity of man's presence here. 

Deposits of soapstone occur at a number of points within the 
limits of the District of Columbia, but only one locality exhibits 
abundant traces of ancient working ; this site is known as the Rose 
Hill Quarry and is situated on Connecticut Avenue extended, 
four miles from the Executive Mansion and three-fourths of a mile 
east of Tennallytown. It is distant about one and one-half miles 
from each of the great quartz bowlder quarries recently examined 
and partially described in the July number of this journal. 

Steatite is of common occurrence over a wide belt of territory ex- 
tending through the New England States and continuing down the 
Atlantic slope to Alabama. It is associated with the gneissic rocks 
and occurs in somewhat disconnected patches or areas, not yet fully 
traced by geologists. Outcrops have been worked in hundreds of 
places by the aborigines. More recently the whites have mined it 
extensively, and many of the quarries worked by the Indians have 
been disturbed and traces of the ancient work obliterated. In a 
few places observations have been made by scientific men, and many 
examples of the tools used and of the articles manufactured have 
been collected. The finest and most extensive collection of such 
objects is in possession of Mr. J. D. McGuire, of EUicott City, 
Md., to whom I am greatly indebted for the privilege of their 
examination. 

The Rose Hill Quarry seems to have been first studied by Dr. Elmer 
R. Reynolds, who published a careful description of the site and of the 
41 



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322 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

articles collected by himself in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the 
Peabody Museum.* About that time visits to the site were made by 
Mr. F. H. Gushing, Dr. Charles Rau, Prof. O. T. Mason, and others, 
and extensive collections of articles, mainly from the surface of the 
ground, were made. Mention is made by Mr. Reynolds of excava- 
tions conducted by these gentlemen, but no definite information 
upon this point is on record. 

A paper published by Louis A. Kengla, in 1883, gives consider- 
able additional matter, accompanied by illustrations of fragments of 
vessels obtained in the District, f 

The present notice is not intended to be an exhaustive study of 
the ancient work, as it is desired only to institute a comparison be- 
tween these quarries and the other quarries of the District. The 
whole subject of the working of soapstone by our aborigines may 
well receive separate and exhaustive treatment. 

TOPOGRAPHIC AND GEOLOGIC FEATURES OF THE ROSE HILL SITE. 

The mass of steatite exposed on this site, being firmer and tougher 
than the gneisses with which it is associated, gave rise to a very de- 
cided prominence, now separated into two hills by a sharp ravine cut 
by the stream. The natural exposures are confined to the bed and 
the steeper banks of the stream and to the crests of the hills, which 
rise in somewhat conical form — the one on the south side to about 
80 feet and the one on the north side to upwards of 90 feet above 
the stream. 

The northern hill has a rounded, somewhat oblong summit, on 
which the steatite is exposed or approaches very near the surface 
for a length, nearly north and south, of upwards of 100, and a width 
of twenty or thirty feet. The rock seems to be bedded with the 
greatest length of the crest and consists of nearly vertical, 
more or less massive, layers of steatite. The slopes of the hill 
are covered with deposits of clay and vegetable mold, and con- 
sequently the formations with which the steatite is surrounded 
and interbedded are in no place visible. The whole site is thickly 
covered with forest trees and underbrush. 

♦ E. R. Reynolds, Thirteenth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, 
p. 526. 

t Louis A. Kengla, Archaeology of the District of Columbia, Washington, 
1883. 



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Oct. 1890.] ANCIENT SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 323 

SURFACE INDICATIONS OF THE ANCIENT QUARRIES. 

The evidences of ancient pitting are confined chiefly to the sum- 
mits of the hills, but no one can say to what extent the exposures of 
soapstone in the sides of the ravine were worked. The south bank 
of the stream has recently been worked to a considerable depth by 
the whites, and the original configuration is destroyed,* but on the 
north side there is an obscure but still traceable excavation of very 
considerable dimensions that may be at least partially due to abo- 
riginal hands. 

Pits sunk in the side of the hills would soon be obliterated by de- 
bris descending from above, but upon the crests they would neces- 
sarily remain clearly marked for a long period of time, as their 
obliteration would depend upon the very slow accumulations of 
vegetable mold. In any attempt at estimating age, therefore, the 
relation of the excavations to the surrounding surface must be con- 
sidered with care ; this has already been pointed out in connection 
with the quartzite bowlder quarries. 

My work has been confined exclusively to the summit of the 
northern hill, as the ancient quarries there appear to have re- 
mained wholly undisturbed, save by the normal agencies of nature. 
A row of pits, forming almost a connected trench, extended along 
the crest and for a short distance down the north end of the hill. 
There were five well-marked depressions in this series. The out- 
lines were irregular. The greatest diameter was perhaps 25 feet and 
the greatest depth, save where measured between the lateral ridges 
of debris, was not above two feet. Dr. Reynolds mentions one pit 
upon the southern hill as being over three feet deep. The heaps 
and ridges of debris thrown from the pits by the ancient miners ex- 
tended along the sides of the row of pits and were hardly above a 
foot in height. This debris consisted for the most part of earth 
and irregular fragments of steatite. Among the latter were many 
worked pieces — fragments of unfinished vessels and rejects of all 
kinds. 

Shallow depressions marking the sites of ancient pits occur along 
the sides of the crest on the south and west sides of the hill. 

EXCAVATIONS. 

Operations were commenced by carrying a trench across the 
southern pit, which occupies the highest point of the hill. This 



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324 THE AMEKICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

exposed the ancient quarry face on the south, east, and west sides , 
while the north edge of the excavation penetrated the full depth of 
the ancient quarry, which was here about four feet deep. 

Beginning with the deepest part of this first trench, a wide trench 
was carried north along the chain of ancient pits. Cross-trenches 
were dug at frequent intervals and others were subsequently dug 
on the south slope. In all about 500 square feet of the ancient 
quarry floors were exposed and cleared off", and a very good idea of 
the nature of the ancient quarr)ring was thus obtained. The prin- 
cipal pits were worked to a depth of from two to four or five feet 
by the aborigines, and the bottoms and sides present the irregular 
appearance necessarily produced by prying out such masses of pot- 
stone as the quarrymen were able to detach. 

IMPLEMENTS USED IN QUARRYING. 

As with the quartzite bowlder quarries, little could be learned of 
the methods of quarrying. Perhaps wooden, horn, or bone tools 
were used to loosen and remove the earth and, with the assistance 
of hafted stone implements, to detach and break up the rock. 
There is no indication that the potstone was detached by cutting 
or picking with pointed tools. The exposed surface seems for the 
most part to represent cleavage planes. 

SHAPING OF VESSELS. 

These ancient quarries were worked exclusively for the purpose of 
securing material to be used in vessel-making. The pots were not 
shaped in place to be detached by under-cutting after the roughing 
out was accomplished, as observed by Schumacher in California. 
It would appear that these vessels were usually too wide to permit 
of this method of working and detachment. No tool in the posses- 
sion of our eastern aborigines would have been equal to such an 
undertaking save by immense expenditure of labor ; beside, there 
was too much uncertainty as to the cleavage and fracture of the 
stone to waste time in shaping before thorough testing by removal. 
The block was first secured, then trimmed down to the approximate 
size and form, and then hollowed out ready for the finish, which was 
in most cases accomplished elsewhere. Even with this method there 
were naturally many failures from breaking, from splitting along 
partially developed cleavage planes, and from imperfections in tex- 



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FlQ.I. 



Fia.2. 




Fio.3. 



Fie. 4. 




Fio.5. 




Fio.6. 




FiQ.7. 



Implements used in quarrying and cutting Soapstone, ^ actual size. 



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Oct. 1890.] ANCIENT SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 325 

ture. It is safe to say that many hundreds of these failures yet remain 
upon this site, in the pits, in the piles of debris, and scattered far 
down the slopes and along the stream beds. 

On account of the rude state of the rejects left upon the quarry 
site we cannot in all cases determine the precise character of the 
vessel intended. The whole range of steatite utensils employed by 
the Algonkian people are probably represented. A prevailing form 
is the oblong basin having ear-like projections or handles at the ends. 
These incipient vessels are usually shallow. The largest speci- 
mens are about 25 inches in length. The width is not more 
than half the length and the depth averages perhaps one-half the 
width. The rejects are very often unsymmetric and extremely rude. 
Other forms, approaching more nearly a circular outline and usually 
having greater depth, are common. Roughed out cups of small 
size are found in considerable numbers. Handles vary much in size, 
shape, and position. 

The shop refuse contains illustrations of manufacture beginning 
with specimens rejected almost with the first stroke of the shaping 
process and ending with vessels so nearly complete as to have been 
fitted for use. The best, however, still lack the finishing touches 
observed in specimens found on village sites. The first step was 
naturally that of testing and reducing the shapeless mass to a rude 
approximation of the proportions of the vessel to be made. A 
favorable side for the top was chosen and the excavation began, 
perhaps by pick strokes outlining the basin, perhaps in cases by 
working from the center out toward the rim ; there was probably 
no uniform method of procedure. 

Tool-marks are much obscured by weathering in specimens found 
upon the surface, but in those from a depth they are as fresh as if 
made but yesterday. The tool has in cases been poinded or spike- 
like, but generally had a rounded cutting edge half an inch or more 
in width. This edge was, as a rule, rather rough and uneven, as if of 
chipped rather than of polished stone. The character of the strokes 
vary a great deal ; in some cases they are bold and professional in 
appearance and in others timid and irregular. 

There are three ways in which the aboriginal tools could have 
been used. The simplest is that of holding the heavy pointed stone 
in the hand or hands and thus striking the potstone. Much ix)wer 
is gained by hafting the tool and using it as an adz. The length, 
boldness, and irregularity of the marks upon the rough pots suggest 



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326 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. LVol. III. 

this method very strongly. Again, a chisel and mallet may have 
been used, after the fashion of the modern stone-cutter. The marks 
left by the latter process would assume a more regular arrangement 
than observed in the products of this quarry, and they would exhibit 
evidence of a succession of blows. There are no chisel-like tools 
that bear evidence of use under a hammer or mallet, and we know 
of nothing that could have served as a striking tool. I am inclined 
' to favor the idea that a hafted tool was used in the roughing out. 
One grooved axe only was found, but the ancient quarries of Mary- 
land furnish many examples of pick-like forms provided with grooves. 

THE TOOLS RECOVERED. 

The tools with which the work of quarrying was accomplished 
were sought most assiduously. Their character and their relations 
to implements found in other localities and applied to other uses 
are matters of no little interest to the archaeologist. It was ex- 
pected that they would, in a measure at least, correspond to the 
tools known to be used by the modern Indians, as many steatite 
pots are found upon ordinary village sites. It was to be expected, 
however, that tools used in such work would be especially adapted 
to it, which is unlike any other industry of the aborigines, and that 
they would be in a sense unique ; but there were chances that imple- 
ments of well-known forms were used &nd lost upon the site. 

The remoteness of the site and the conformation of the hills upon 
which the quarries are located rendered it improbable that the lo- 
cality was used for dwelling or for any other purpose than that of 
quarrying the potstone and roughing, out the vessels. All tools 
found should, therefore, be quarry tools. 

The absence of bowlder or other deposits of material habitually 
utilized by the aborigines gave additionl simplicity to the quarry 
art, rendering it reasonably certain that all articles found pertained 
to the soapstone work ; that all save those of soapstone had been 
carried in by the quarrymen. 

As in the case of the quartzite quarries, no tools were found that 
could have been used in excavating the pits and detaching the masses 
of steatite ; all were adapted rather to the work* of sculpture — to 
. the roughing out and shaping of the vessels. 

The tools found may be conveniently divided into two classes— 
those improvised upon the spot for special and temporary use, and 
those of standard varieties brought from the villages and utilized 



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Oct. 1890.] ANCIENT SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 327 

temporarily in the quarries. A vast majority are of the former class. 
They are, as a rule, quite rude and were derived from the vicinity 
of the quarry. They approach more nearly a palaeolithic type than 
any other forms found in the Potomac region. Nothing more prim- 
itive is found in America. The hills and slopes in the vicinity 
abound in outcrops of vein quartz which break up into angular frag- 
ments. These are now so plentiful upon the neighboring fields as 
to make agriculture a burden. Such angular fragments were 
gathered for use in the quarries ; some were already well adapted to 
use, whilst others were trimmed to better points and edges (Fig. i). 
Quartzite bowlders found sparingly upon the neighboring slopes 
were also worked into rude picks by flaking (Fig. 2). 

A small number of angular masses of quartz were discovered that 
were not apparently adapted to any use and that showed no signs of 
having been used. They may be fragments of larger masses broken 
in use. 

A few cobble-stones were found, but none showed very decided 
evidence of use as hammer stones, or otherwise. 

It is not considered necessary to take further notice of specimens 
that do not show decided evidence of design or use, or that by their 
natural conformation seem to be especially well adapted to known 
uses. 

The objects of quartz that sjiow evidence of shaping by percussion 
are all of one type. They are thick angular masses weighing a pound 
or more ; one end is brought to a short, sharp point, and the other 
is somewhat rounded as if to be held in the hand or hands for strik- 
ing (Fig. i). Of the same general shape are two picks made from 
quartzite bowlders and resembling heavy pointed "turtle-backs** 
(Fig. 2.) In no case does the form of these tools suggest the attach- 
ment of a haft, although such attachment would probably be feasible 
in their present state. 

Two small chisel-like tools were found in the main trench on the 
summit of the hill. They are of unique types, and we may fairly as- 
sume that they were made for use in the potstone shop. One is 
made of a black slate-like rock that has become gray on the surface 
through oxidation of some of its constituent minerals. In its 
general configuration it is much like the quartzite blades produced 
in the quarry shops of the District, but it differs from them in hav- 
ing a chisel-like point or edge (Fig. 3). This edge is somewhat ob- 
lique and shows but little evidence of use, although it should be ob- 



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328 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

served that chemical changes in the stone would tend to obliterate 
such evidence. 

Another specimen (Fig. 4) is of gray slate, very slightly altered 
by chemical changes. It is rather rudely chipped along both sides, 
and the point has been made quite sharp by grinding and subsequent 
use. Properly hafted this little celt would have been a very effective 
tool in shaping the half-finished vessels. As it stands it is rather 
small for convenient use. Possibly it may have been hafted after 
the manner of an ordinary stone knife. Tools of this class are 
abundant on the quarry sites of Maryland and Virginia. They reach 
nearly a foot in length, and in cases have a polished chisel-like point 
at each end. 

From the soil that filled one of the shallow pits on the south 
margin of the crest of the hill, a chipped quartzite tool of unusual 
shape was obtained (Fig. 5). It resembles the borers or perforators 
of the same material found on village sites, but is ruder and less 
symmetrical and was probably made especially for use in the trim- 
ming of soapstone vessels. 

One of the most important finds made during the excavation at 
this place was a large grooved axe of the wedge-hafted type (Fig. 6). 
It was found in one of the shallow pits on the south margin of the 
hill-top, one foot from the surface, and resting upon the surface of 
the soapstone in place. There can be little doubt that this tool was 
used by the ancient quarrymen in dislodging, and perhaps in trim- 
ming, the masses of stone. Its edge shows considerable wear, ap- 
parently from use as a pick. Its weight and shape would make it a 
very effective tool. If proof were necessary that the workers of 
these quarries were Indians, the discovery of this object would seem 
to be satisfactory. Surface finds upon the sites of ancient soapstone 
quarries in Maryland include many of these grooved axes. In most 
cases they have been remodeled by flaking to fit them more perfectly 
for use as picks (Fig. F). 

CONCLUSION. 

The question in this connection that claims first attention is what 
correlations can be made between the soapstone quarries and the 
quartzite bowlder quarries of the District. Are they all probably of 
one age and the work of one people, or are they separated by long 
periods of time and by marked differences in art characters? 

It may be first observed that the two classes of quarries are lo- 
cated in the same valley and only one and one-half miles apart ; that 



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Oct. 1890.] ANCIENT SOAPSTONE QUARRY. 329 

they correspond as closely in extent of work and in appearances as 
could be expected if worked at one time and by one people. 
There are striking dissimilarities, but these are due to differences in 
the nature of the materials quarried and the relation of the quarries 
to adjoining formations. 

It appears that the soapstone was not quarried to a depth equal to 
that of the quartzite bowlders, but it will be seen at a glance that 
the difficulties attending the working of the former are much the 
greater. With increasing depth the soapstone becomes firmer and 
more massive, and it is impossible with primitive tools to detach the 
necessary masses. The shafts must therefore necessarily be shallow 
With the bowlders the difficulty does not increase with the depth in 
the same degree, and greater depths could be reached with compara- 
tive ease. 

Again, it must be admitted that the bowlder quarries exhfbit more 
decided evidenpe of great age than do the soapstone quarries. In 
the former the pits are much more completely filled up and oblit- 
erated. This fact may, however, tend to lead to erroneous conclu- 
sions if the conditions under which the two classes of pits existed 
are not considered. 

The deepest soapstone pits were not over four or five feet deep, 
but they were excavated in solid rock and upon the crests of hills, 
where there was absolutely no material to fall into them save the 
leaves from the trees. Such ancient pits as were not upon the sum- 
mits were entirely or almost entirely filled up. 

Tl\p cobble pits on Piny Branch were in all cases situated upon 
the slope of the hills, and were therefore directly beneath overhanging 
masses of loosely compacted sands and gravels and may have been 
more completely filled up in one year than the soapstone pits in a 
century. 

On the other cobble quarry site, near the new observatory, some 
of the pits situated upon the hill-top and originally eight feet deep 
-^ were not more than ten inches deep when first examined by us, but 
when we observe that the walls of these pits were composed of coarse 
loose gravel capped with sandy clay we must conclude that the 
chances are that they would be obliterated very much more rapidly 
than if the walls consisted of tough massive stone. 

The character of the two sites corresponds very closely in this 
that both are in the hills and so steep as to be quite unsuited fo^ 
camping or dwelling. Both are therefore naturally free from village 
42 



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330 THE AMKRICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

refuse, and the tools found must for the most part, if not exclusively, 
consist of those actually used in the work of quarrying and roughing 
out the implements produced. In neither case has any tool been 
found that is not germane to the work of the quarries, and this cor- 
respondence is most significant, as archaeologists will readily appre- 
hend. 

In the cobble quarries no tools of a durable material were needed 
save those found by thousands in the quarries. Carefully shai^ed 
hammer stones, polished celts, and grooved axes had no place in these 
quarries ; no more place, as I have shown, had the finished tools of 
the classes here roughed out. A grooved axe, such as that found 
in the soapstone quarry, would be an effective tool in the work of 
quarrying soapstone, and it could be used without the least danger 
of breaking it. The chisels also are of types that resemble or- 
dinary Indian work, but they also were especially adapted to, and 
no doubt especially made for, the quarrying of soapstone. 

The only tools, then, that correlate the workers of these soapstone 
quarries with the Indian were not carried in aimlessly and lost, but 
were lost because there in use. It will not, therefore, be safe to say 
that because no traces of ordinary Indian tools were found in the 
bowlder quarries the workers in these quarries were not Indians, for 
I have amply shown that such tools could not have been used, and 
hence they would stand small chance of being lost there. It may be 
emphatically stated that in none of the quarries has any trace of art 
been found th^t did not, pertain directly to the work of the quarry. 

If the correlation of the Indian with the workers in the soapptone 
quarries was necessarily dependent upon the loss of articles not ger- 
mane to the work of the quarry, no such correlation could be made 
by any known evidence. 

The nature of the work of shaping done in both classes of quar- 
ries has a close and significant correspondence. No single finished 
piece of work was found in either case. In the cobble quarries the ^^^ 
blade was roughed out to a convenient shape for transportation anS^^^ 
subsequent finish. In the soapstone quarries the pots were-roughecr 
out and carried away to be finished elsewhere. It is significant also 
that on many village sites in the vicinity quarry products of both 
materials are found freely and intimately associated. 

A review, therefore, of the evidence shows many significant cor- 
respondences in the work of the two classes of quarries and no dis- 
agreements that require the assumption of wide differences in time, 
people, or culture. 



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Oct. 1890.] WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS. 331 



WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS AMONO THB 
ANCIBNT ROMANS. 

BY A. P. MONTAGUE. 

The subject may be logically divided into the following heads : 
I. The materials used as paper. 
II. The ink. 

III. The pen or pencil. 

IV. Books. 

I. The Materials used as paper or in the place of paper were — 

(i). The thin rind of the Egyptian papyrus. 

(2). Parchment made of skins. 

(3). Wooden tablets covered with wax. 

(i). In the most common use, especially in the writing of books, 
was the thin coat or rind {liper; whence the Latin word for " book '*) 
of the Egyptian papyrus. The Egyptian name of the plant from 
which the rind was taken was Byblos (Greek ?(i?hi^\ whence pofiXiov^ 
fitfiXiov, "book"). 

This papyrus plant or tree, found in swamps in many tropical 
countries, and especially in the valley of the. Nile, grows to the height 
of ten or twelve feet. We learn (Plin., Ndf. Histy XIII., 23) that 
different pieces of the rind, having been wetted in the water of the 
Nile, which, according to eminent authorities, has a glutinous prop- 
erty, were joined together; a layer of these pieces was placed flat 
on a board and a cross layer put over it; these were pressed together 
and afterwards exposed to the sun to be dried. These individual 
sheets were from 8 to 14 inches high and from 3 to 12 inches wide, 
^t one time the ancients wrote upon these sheets and then pasted 
them together at the sides in regular order ; but in Pliny's time (A. 
D. 23-79) rolls of sheets pasted together ready for the writer were 
sold. In writing books an author could continue this pasting pro- 
cess until he made a book which occupied sheets stretching, when 
laid out, at least fifty yards, and there are Egyptian papyri rolls pre- 
sented which are actually of this length. Dr. O. T. Mason of the U. 
S. National Museum informs the writer that he saw recently at Leyden 



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332 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. HI. 

a roll of papyrus sheets fifty yards in length. But Roman authors us- 
ually divided a long work into several rolls, as a large book, if written 
on one roll, would have required pasted sheets extending 90 yards or 
more. Calliraachus, the poet and librarian of 250 B. C, said fiir^ 
fiijSXiov ixiya xaxdv^ "a large book, a large nuisance.** When the 
writing was finished and the sheets had been pasted, a stick was fas- 
tened to the last sheet and all the sheets were rolled into what was 
termed a volumen {volvo, volvere, '* to roll up; ** compare the Eng. 
volume). This roll made a cylinder, and the top and bottom were 
generally stained black. To the ends of the stick, called umbilici^ 
were added knobs, comua, which were highly ornamented. It 
should also be noted that the ends of the sheets were carefully 
trimmed and polished with pumice stone. The title of the book was 
written in red color on a piece of pap)rrus or parchment {titulus or 
index) which was attached to the volumen. It was the custom to 
then steep the roll in cedar-oil {cedrus) and to place it in a parch- 
ment case stained purple or yellow. The poet Martial (40-102 A. 
D.) calls this dress in which the book was covered "a purple toga** 
(^purpurea toga, — Mart., X, 93). Seneca {DeTranq, Animiy 9) and 
Martial (XIV., 186) inform us that the .portrait of the author was 
often placed on the first page of the book. The ancient reader 
held the roll or book in his right hand, using his left hand to 
unwind as he read and to re-roll the part finished. Books were 
often kept in boxes called capsce, generally cylindrical in shape, made 
usually of beech-wood. There were also scrinia, "chests** or 
"boxes,** rn which books, letters, papers, etc., were kept. 

Long before the time of Herodotus (B. C. 484), as we learn from 
that author himself (V., 58), the Egyptian papyrus was known to 
the commercial world. He wrote as follows: "Moreover, the 
lonians, from ancient time, call books made (even) from papyrus 
parchments, because formerly, from the scarcity of papyrus, they 
used the skins of goats and sheep; and even at the present day 
many of the barbarians write on such skins.** 

That papyrus was widely used in the western part of Europe we 
know, not only from reference in Latin authors but from the . fact 
that many rolls of papyri were found at Herculaneum, and that 
paintings of them were discovered at Pompeii. Prof. Gow, an 
eminent Cambridge scholar, states that a few fragments of Homer, 
Thucydides, Euripides, and Sallust are extant on broken papyrus 
leaves or sheets. 



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Oct. 1890.] WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS. 333 

The paper (charid) made from the papyrus was of different grades 
or qualities. The finest was called after the Emperor Augustus, the 
second grade after his wife Livia, the third was termed Hieratica 
(7e/9aTtx<J9, "devoted to sacred pyrposes"), because it was used in 
sacred writings, originally in those of Egyptian priests. As the 
manufacturers or the dealers were politic men, and believed in making 
their positions strong with the powers that were, we hear later on 
that the best paper was called after Claudius, the Emperor. One 
kind, called Emporetica (^^finopto^^ belonging to commerce or mer- 
chant5)y not being suitable for writing paper, was used by merchants 
to wrap parcels. 

(2). Parchment made of skins. 

Parchment {membrana) is said by some writers to have been in- 
vented by Eumenes II. (B. C. 2)53), King of Pergamus, a city of 
Mysia, now Bergamo^ but this is clearly an error, because more than 
two centuries before Herodotus alluded, as we have seen, to skins 
as in use before his time and common in his day. Eumenes II. un- 
doubtedly introduced some improvements in preparing skins for 
writing purposes while he was engaged in collecting and maintain- 
ing his great library of 200,000 volumes, afterwards given by Antony 
to Cleopatra and carried to Alexandria to form a part of the wonder- 
ful library there. The word parchment is derived from Fergamina, 
'' belonging to Pergamus," as at that city sheep skin and goat skin 
had probably their first distinctive use as materials in writing books. 
Eumenes was led, it is related (Plin., Nat. Hist.y XIII, 21), to use 
and improve skins as paper by the fact that Ptolemy Epiphdnes, 
King of Egypt, fearing that Pergamus would rival Alexandria as the 
book centre of the world, had forbidden the export of papyrus. 
Parchment and papyrus sheets seem to have been almost the only 
materials upon which books were written among the Romans, the 
former coming into use for books (having previously been used for 
note-books) about 90, A. D., and gradually taking the place of 
papyrus. Prof. Lewis Evans, of Oxford, the scholarly translator of 
the satires of Juvenal, Persius, and Lucilius, says : *' The manufact- 
urer of parchment was termed Membranarius, The parchment, 
after being rendered smooth by rubbing with pumice, was flattened 
with lead \ and it was capable of being made so thin that the whole of 
the * Iliad ' written on this material, was inclosed within a walnut- 
shell ! ' ' Quintilian (X. , 3) writes : * * For persons of weak sight parch- 
ment is much better (than waxen tablets) ; but the rapid flow of 



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334 THE AMERICAN ANTUROPOLOGIST. . [Vol. III. 

thought is checked by the constant necessity for dipping the pen in 
ink. Parchment sheets were pasted together and rolled in the same 
manner as those made from the papyrus plant. Parchment pos- 
sessed certain advantages over papyrus, in that it was thicker and 
writing could be placed on both sides, though, originally, the back 
of the parchment was not used and was stained a saffron color ; it 
was more durable, as papyrus was apt to be broken ; and the same 
piece could be used several times. This fact gave rise to the singular 
custom of erasing or washing out the writing on parchment and of 
using it as new material. Parchment thus washed was termed palimp- 
sesfus ("scraped again "), palimpsest. In reference to this custom 
Cicero (^Ad Fam.^ VII., i8, 2) writes his lawyer friend, Trebatius, 
as follows : " I commend your economy because you (wrote) on 
palimpsest ; but I wonder what was on that little piece of paper 
which you were willing to destroy rather than not write this (letter \ 
lit., these things) to me, unless (it was) perchance your own legal 
forms. I can't think that you are destroying my letters in order 
that you may put yours (on the paper).'* In other words Cicero 
wondered what could be less important than a friendly letter. 

Several remarkable facts are given by Dr. Gow in connection 
with this custom. The monks of the Middle Ages, in their desire 
to write the lives of their saints, washed and scraped old parchments 
which had fallen into their hands. Traces of original writing were 
long afterwards discerned under and between their lines, and, by 
the use of certain chemical preparations these first writings were 
brought out so that they were capable of being deciphered. 

In 1 81 6 Niebuhr came upon a MS. at Verona which contained 
certain writings of Jerome. Detecting marks of an older writing, 
he went to work and soon restored the ancient MS., which proved 
to be the famous legal treatise of Gains, called "The Institutes," 
which had long been considered lost and had been for many years 
known only through references of other authors. Strange to .say, 
about one-fourth of this entire MS^ had been scraped before ^ and thus 
it was doubly palimpsest, (See Goschen, Report to the Academy of 
Berlin, Nov. 6th, 181 7.) 

The best MS. of Plautus was found at Milan underneath portions 
of the Old Testament ; a part of Livy was found to be covered with 
the " Moralia ' ' of Gregory the Great. Late Greek MSS. of classical 
authors have been found covering portions of the Bible. A MS. of 
Sophocles, copied in 1 298, overlay an uncial MS. of the Septuagint. 
This MS. is now preserved at Florence. 



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Oct. 1890.] WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS. 335 

Parchment leaves were often bound together and sewed at the back 
into a binding in the modern way. Such a book was at one time 
called codex ot^caudexy although this word had earlier and later 
meanings, which will be given. 

As guides to the writer's pen, lines were drawn with lead on the 
parchment and these left faint impressions. 

(3). Wooden Tablets covered with wax. The word tabula means 
properly '^planks" or "boards/* then gaming-tables, pictures, etc.; 
but its most general meaning in ancient Rome was tablets used for 
writing. It referred to tablets of any kind, stone, metal, or wood, 
nearly always the last. These tabulcBy in this sense, were pieces of 
wood, generally beech or fir, sometimes citron-wood (even ivory 
was used occasionally), covered with wax, in shape oblong. The 
outer sides of these tablets were of wood, only the inner sides being 
covered with wax. The two pieces of wood were fastened at the 
back with wires as hinges and could be opened and shut like our 
books. To prevent the wax of one tablet from rubbing against that 
of the other there was a raised margin around each. 

Certain tablets oAXtApugillareSy ixom pugillus, **a handful," were 
very small and took their name from the fact that they could be held 
in the hand. Pliny the Younger in a letter (I. 6) to the historian 
Tacitus writes that he went on a wild-boar hunt, but that he took no 
spear or lance, only the hunting-nets and his pencil and hand-tablets, 
on which he diligently wrote while waiting for the boar to run into 
his nets. He urges the great historian to take along on his hunting 
expeditions a bread-basket and a little bottle, and not to forget the 
note-books, assuring him that he will find that Minerva keeps Diana 
company in the forests and mountains. These waxen tablets were 
used for almost any purpose when great length was not desired. 
Their chief use was in correspondence. When the writer had com- 
pleted a letter, he bound the tablets together with a strong thread, 
which he tied in a flat knot, upon which he placed wax and then 
stamped this with the device on his signet-ring (signum). When 
letters were written by secretaries — the usual way — this was the only 
signature. 

As is seen in an ancient painting of Love {Amor) giving a letter 
to Polyphemus, love-letters, called vitellianiy were written on tiny 
tablets (Martial, XIV. 8). Waxen tablets were also used in writing 
wills and other legal documents, and, when so used, the outer edges 
were pierced with holes, through which a triple thread was passed. 



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336 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

upon which a seal was put. This was done to guard against forgery, 
and any legal paper, especially a will, not thus secured was worthless* 
Among the many other uses of these tablets may be mentioned that 
of keeping accounts of sums received and disbursed. The term 
codex (or caudex) was applied to these tablets when bound together. 
In Cicero's time this name was also given to a tablet on which was 
written a bill to be offered to a voting body. Under the Emperors 
codex was used for any collection of laws (Cf. Eng. code)^ as the 
Codex Justinianius, 

There is an interesting account of two ancient waxen tablets in 
an excellent state of preservation found in gold mines in and near 
the village of Abrudbdnya, in Transylvania. These tabula consist 
of three tablets each. One is of fir- wood, the other of beech -wood, 
each about the size of a small octavo. The outer parts are of plain 
wood ; the inner are covered with wax, now grown almost black, 
and have raised margins. The middle tablet, also with raised 
margins, is covered with wax on both sides. The edges are pierced 
for the thread. On one of these tablets are 'some Greek letters, fol- 
lowed by certain unknown characters. The other tablet contains 
writing in Latin, which refers to some business connected with a 
collegium (**body '* or "corporation "). The date, given by con- 
suls, is 169 A. D. It is written from right to left, the writing be- 
ginning on what we would call the 4th page and ending at the bot- 
tom of the 3d. These waxen tablets had, in addition to the name 
tabulcB, the appellation of cerce, and the pages were called prima 
ceray secunda cera, etc., " ist page'* (or "leaf'*), " 2d page," etc. 

Waxen tablets were used in Europe in the Middle Ages. The 
oldest of these mediaeval tablets, of which we know, belongs to the 
year 1301 A. D. It is now in the Florentine Museum. 

It may be added that some late MSS., mostly in Greek, are writ- 
ten on paper, a Chinese invention, brought to Europe by the Arabs 
of Spain. Paper made of cotton was called bombycina ; linen 
paper, charta (Gow). 

n. — ^THE INK. 

The first mention of Ink among the Romans is made by Plautus 
(254-184 B. C.) in his play called "The Ghost " (^Mostellana, Act 
I., sc. III., 102), where he has an ironical reference to the attempt to 
make ivory white with ink. The next author who mentions ink is 
Cicero (106-43 B. C), who, in a letter to his brother {Ad Quint, 



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Oct. 1890.] WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS. 337 

Fr,y 11., 15) says : ** The matter will be discussed with a good pen, 
well-prepared ink, and smooth paper. * * * I am in the 
habit of using whatever pen comes into my hand, as if it were a 
good one." An eminent scholar of Cambridge, England, whose 
researches have been careful and valuable, informs us that the ink 
used in writing on papyrus was made of lamp-black and gum, and 
that for parchment of gum and oak-galls. Pliny writes of the mak- 
ing of ink in his time as follows : '' It is made of soot in various 
ways with burned resin or pitch ; for this purpose they have built 
furnaces that do not permit the escape of smoke." 

He also states that a kind of ink was made by boiling and strain- 
ing the dregs of wine. This author further states that mice were kept 
from manuscripts if they were written with ink with which worm- 
wood had been mixed. There can be no question as to the excel- 
lence of the ink used among ancient nations, when we read in the 
report of the British Museum on Egyptian Antiquities (Vol. II., p. 
267) the statement that the color and brightness of Egyptian ink re- 
main to this day, as is attested by certain specimens of their papyri, 
and when we recall the fact that at Herculaneum was found an ink- 
stand containing ink which had become as thick as oil, but which 
could be used at the time of discovery (Winckelmann, Vol. II., p. 
127). 

The satirist Persius (III., 13 et seq,), writing of the troubles of 
a teacher with his pupil, says: " Now his book and the two-colored 
parchment cleared of hair, and paper and the knotty reed are taken 
into his hands. Then he complains that the ink, grown thick, clogs 
in his pen ; then that the black ink disappears altogether if water 
is poured into it; then that the reed makes blots with the drops 
being diluted." From this quotation we learn two facts: that the 
Romans cleared and thinned their ink by pouring in water, and that 
the black matter emitted by the cuttle-fish, called sepia, was some- 
times used as ink (Leverett's Juvenal oxid Persius, p. 239 ; Cicero, 
De Nat, Deorum, II., 50). The ancient Romans had, in addition to 
black ink, red ink made of minium or red lead, a pigment consist- 
ing of two atoms of the protoxide of lead and the peroxide, which 
was used in writing the titles and beginnings of books. Ink made 
of rubrica (** red ochre," hematite) was also used for these purposes, 
and in post-Augustan times, as this rubrica ink was used in writing 
the headings of laws, the law itself was termed rubrica, "rubric " 
(Quint., XII., 3). Roman Emperors and their near relatives wrote 
43 



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338 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

their signatures with an expensive red ink which the law forbade 
others to use. If the Emperor was under age his guardian wrote 
with green ink. Dion Cassius tells us that Crassus, in his ill-starred 
expedition against the Parthians, had his banners marked with letters 
of purple ink. Cicero in his fourth Verrian oration and Suetonius 
in his ** Life of Augustus" inform us that letters of gold and silver, 
or, more probably, letters covered with gilt and silver, were placed 
on pillars and monuments. Suetonius in the "Life of Nero'* men- 
tions the fact that one part of the poems which Nero recited at Rome 
was written in gilt letters. The Romans had also an invisible or 
sympathetic ink, which could be brought out only by heat or by the 
application of some chemical preparation. Ovid {Art, Am, , IIL, 627 
et seq,) said that lovers might use fresh milk as their ink ; that this 
would be invisible until brought out by the sprinkling of coal-dust. 
Pliny says that the milky sap of certain plants may be used in the 
same way. From the specimens found at Pompeii we know the 
shape and appearance of the ancient ink-stand {atramentariuin). 
These specimens are both single and double, one well for black ink 
and the other for ink of some other color, probably red. In shape 
they are round or hexagonal. They have covers to keep out dust. 

III. — ^THE PEN OR PENCIL. 

Cicero in a letter to Atticus (VI., 8) and Horace in the 447th line 
of his **Ars Poetica" refer to the pen which the Romans used with 
papyrus and parchment. It was termed calamus {Kalaiw^') and was, 
as Dr. Gow says, of the same form as our old-fashioned quill pen. 
We learn from Pliny {Nat, Hist,, XVI., 36, 64) and Ausonius that 
the best reeds from which these pens were made came from Egypt 
and Gnidus, a Doric city of Caria, When the pen became blunt it 
was sharpened with a knife made especially for this purpose, called 
scalprum librarium. The pen was split like our pens, and hence the 
name calamus fissipeSy "cloven-footed pen*' or '*reed'' (Ausonius, 
VII., 49). This reed is even now, Professor Evans says, used as a 
pen in the East. For use with waxen tablets the Romans had an 
iron instrument called stilus {ypatpiov), sharpened at one end for 
scratching on the wax, flat and circular at the other end for erasing, 
when it was desired, what had been written. Ovid and Suetonius 
tell us that this stilus was called graphlum (Greek ypatpiov) and from 
Martial (XIV., 21) we learn that it was placed, when not in use, in 
a case. called graphiarium. 



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Oct. 1890.] WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS. 339 

IV. — BOOKS. 

From the time of Cicero there was a regular trade in books. Dr. 
Gow is the authority for the statement that the publisher either paid 
the author a royalty on each copy sold or gave him a fixed sum for 
the book. When a book was likely to be in demand, the author's 
copy was dictated to a large number of copyists (Jibrarii) at once, 
1000 copies sometimes being made. These copyists were slaves and 
often foreigners ; hence many mistakes were made which sorely tried 
the patience of the author. Cicero, Strabo, Martial, and others 
complain of these blunders. The author himself often revised 
copies made by scribes, especially when he desired to present his 
books to friends. Booksellers (pidiiopdla) had stores in many parts 
of Rome, but especially in a section called Argiletum (Harpers* 
Lat. Diet.). They advertised their books by placing lists of them 
at their doors. Among the famous booksellers were the Sosii in 
Horace's time and Tryphon in the time of Quintilian and Martial. 
The prices of books, of course, varied ; some could be bought for one 
denarius (20 cents) apiece ; others, according to popularity, size, or 
other varying conditions, especially the conscience or lack of this 
element on the part of the seller, were sold at five denarii (one dol- 
lar), or for a larger sum. - ^ 

People too poor to buy books were not deprived of the privilege 
of reading them, as Rome had many public libraries. From the be- 
ginning of the reign of Augustus to the end of that of Hadrian, 
twenty-nine libraries for the people were founded. The first 
public library was instituted in the time of Augustus, by Asinius 
Pollio, consul, man of letters, and patron of literature, who not 
only established this library but also collected for the public eye 
many famous statues by Praxiteles and other masters. Virgil in his 
fourth Eclogue and Horace in many places testify their regard 
for this eminent man who did so much for men of genius and for 
any workers in literature who sought and deserved his aid. It 
was Pollio who instituted the custom of an author reading his pro- 
ductions to learned and accomplished men, invited to meet him with 
a view to hear and to criticise, but, according to the author's wish, 
to do as little of the latter as possible, if the criticisms were not to be 
laudatory. This custom at last became a farce and, worse still, a 
bore, to everybody. Juvenile, in his famous first Satire, lashes with 
unsparing hand the miserable so-called poets who drove him to write 



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340 THE AMBBICAN ANTHROPOLOOIST. [Vol. lU. 

satire by their public and private recitals. Private individuals col- 
lected books, and certain private libraries, as those of Cicero and At- 
ticus, who is represented by Cicero as sitting in his cosey library 
under the bust of Aristotle, were the most attractive portions of their 
palatial homes. Libraries, both public and private, were adorned 
with portraits and busts of eminent men and with statues and 
statuettes of Minerva and the Muses. A library entirely furnished 
was found at Herculanetmi. It was a small room, so small that a 
person standing in the middle of it could touch both sides. 

As the works of certain Roman authors were used in schools as text- 
books, many editions were written. In Juvenal's time the works of 
Horace and Virgil and a part of Livy were favorite school books. As 
certain authors did not take with the public or with teachers, their 
works were not re-written, and thus their productions fell out of use 
and out of sight forever. 



The Inhabitants of the Bismarck Archipelago. — ^An article 
by Count Joachim Pfeil, entitled the '* Land und Volk im Bismarck 
Archipel,** recently published in the *' Verhandlungen" of the 
Berlin Geographical Society, contains many interesting observations 
on this comparatively little known race of cannibals. The name 
Bismarck Archipelago is a purely political designation applied to 
the group of Melanesian Islands imder the German protectorate, in- 
cluding New Pomerania (New Britain), New Mecklenburg (New 
Ireland), New Hanover, Bougainville, Choiseul and Isabelle. The 
latter islands are really part of the Solomon Islands. The in- 
habitants of these islands belong to what is really one race, but show 
marked differences on the different islands. 

For instance, the New Pomeranian is a big, powerful, muscular 
man, with very little of the grace so often characteristic of black 
races. His complexion is that of a light n^o, with an admixture 
of somewhat more red. His hair is curly, his mouth coarse and 
wide, his nose flat, and his coimtenance almost expressionless. The 
New Mecklenburger, on the other hand, though of about the same 
complexion, is of slighter and more elegant build, his features are 
far more pronounced, and his expression is wide awake and crafty. 

Among other interesting things the article contains detailed de- 
scriptions of several festivals and several interesting tales. 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OP MAPLE SUGAR. 341 



INDIAN ORIGIN OF MAPLE SUGAR. 

BY H. W. HENSHAW. 

For a long time it was a popular idea that the Indian was a savage 
with all the traits that pertain to savagery, and with few or none of 
the instincts that are supposed to inhere in civilized man. This 
supposition has gradually given way to a clearer apprehension of the 
status of the Indian, as his achievements in one direction and 
another have been recognized and studied. Far from being a 
wandering savage dependent solely upon his skill as a hunter and 
fisher, it has been ascertained that over nearly all the United States 
he was practically sedentary, and that east of the Mississippi all the 
tribes, and not a few west of that river, depended for a livelihood 
more upon the results of agriculture than upon any other one source. 
Moreover, the agriculture practiced by the Indian has had tremen- 
dous and far-reaching consequences to civilized man. For the most 
important product of the Indian's tillage was maize, and while we 
may be in some doubt as to the exact region in which maize origi- 
nated and probably shall never know the tribe or family which first 
cultivated it, there is no ground to question the fact that it was dis- 
covered by the Indians in its wild state, its value as a food ascer- 
tained by him, and by him it was cultivated for so long a period 
that it has become so changed as possibly to defy identification in 
its wild state, if, indeed, it still exists in a state of nature. Taken 
from the Indian's hand, it has been fostered by a more skillful culture 
till it has become one of the most important of food plants and 
helps to sustain millions of human beings in every grade of culture 
the world over. 

Though the most important gift of the Indian to civilization, maize 
is not his only one. Pumpkins, beans, one of the most valuable 
cotton plants, and tobacco, the latter of which has enslaved man to 
the uttermost parts of the earth, are also gifts from the Indian to his 
conqueror. 

It might not be very easy to point out just what benefits the Indian 
has received from his civilized brother in return for the above and 
other gifts. Perhaps, if he has received little the fault may not be 



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342 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

entirely that of his civilized brother, though there are philanthropists 
who appear to think so. However, it is not the purpose of the 
present paper to discuss the Indian's success or failure in adjusting 
himself to the requirements of advanced civilization, but to present 
some evidence tending to show that there is still another important 
product for which civilized man is indebted to the Indian. 

Allusion is made to Maple Sugar, the origin of the manufacture 
of which appears to be in doubt in the minds of some. 

During the last census year (1880) more than thirty-six millions 
of pounds of maple sugar were produced in the United States, and 
more than a million gallons of maple molasses, which together had a 
value of perhaps |4,ooo,ooo. 

These figures show that the maple sugar industry is a by no means 
contemptible one, and, although for the practical purposes of to-day 
it matters not whether the art of its manufacture originated with the 
Indian or European, its origin is by no means unimportant to the 
student desirous of ascertaining Indian arts that he may have a clear 
idea of the position attained by the Indian race in its struggle 
upwards. 

Considering the great familiarity of the Indians with the natural 
edible products of America, and the general ignorance of the Euro- 
pean on this subject, it is fairly to be inferred that the a priori like- 
lihood of the discovery of the properties of the maple sap is all in 
favor of the Indian. If maple-sugar-making in the Northern United 
States preceded the arrival of the European and if the latter derived 
the art from the Indians, it is reasonable to expect to find statements 
to this effect in the early French narratives. On the other hand, it 
is to be said that if the discovery of the saccharine juice of the 
maple and the simple art of boiling it down to sugar were made by 
Europeans, is is even more probable that this fact would have been 
duly recorded by the early chroniclers. I am not prepared to say 
whether the earliest chronicles, say 1 600-1 675, contain information 
as to the Indian or European discovery of maple-sugar-making. If 
the matter is not referred to, its absence cannot be taken as conclu- 
sive either as to aboriginal or European origin. Many customs of 
the Indians far more important than this received but the briefest 
mention by the early narrators or are not mentioned at all. 

Most of the notes presented herewith were collected years ago in 
connection with the general subject of Indian food, and, although 
it is not pretended that they are exhaustive, they seem sufficient to 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OP MAPLE SUGAR. 343 

indicate pretty clearly that maple-sugar-making is an aboriginal in- 
dustry, and perhaps render reference to earlier authorities unnecessary. 

The first reference which I happen to have occurs in Joutel's 
Journal, which is to be foimd in Margry D^couvertes, III, 510. A 
very free translation of the same appears in French Hist. Coll. La. , 
I, 216, 1846. 

A fair translation of the passage is appended, although it throws 
no lig^t upon the question of the origin of sugar-making : 

" We had not much meat, but Providence furnished us a kind of 
manna to add to our Indian com, which manna was of a juice which 
the trees eject in this season, and notably the maples, of which there 
are many in this province and which are very large. In reference 
to this we made large incisions in each tree, to which we applied a 
vessel and a knife below the incision to conduct the liquor, which 
properly is the sap of the tree, which, being boiled, as it diminishes 
becomes sugar. We used this water to boil our Indian corn or 
sagamite, which gave it a rather good taste — that is, a little sweet- 
ened. It seems that Providence provides for everything, for, as there 
are no sugar-canes in these provinces, the trees furnish the sugar ; at 
least I have seen some which was excellent. It was more reddish 
than ours — that is, what is used in France — ^but nearly as good.'* 

The next reference is to be found in Lafitau, Vol. II, 153, 1724, 
the period of the author's observation dating back to 1700-5. He 
says: 

" In the month of March, when the sun has taken a little strength 
and as the trees enter into sap, they, the Indians, make with their 
hatchets transverse incisions in the trunk of the trees, from which 
trickles in abundance a water which they receive in large receptacles 
of bark. They afterwards cause this water to boil over the fire, which 
consumes all the watery matter, and which thickens the rest into the 
consistency of syrup, or even into cakes of sugar, according to the 
degree of heat to which they subject it. There is no further mystery 
to this. This sugar is a very good pectoral, and is admirable in 
remedies ; but, although it is more healthy than that of the canes, it 
is not agreeable, nor has it delicacy, and nearly always has a burnt 
taste. The French make it better than the Indian women, /nwi 
whom they have learned how to make it; but they have not yet been 
able to whiten or to refine it." 

So far as Lafitau's knowledge goes, his statement of the deriva- 
tion of the art from the Indians is direct, if not conclusive. He 



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344 



THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



says that the French learned it from the Indians. Upon just what 
evidence he makes the statement does not appear, but he ^^'as 
unusually well acquainted with aboriginal habits, and probably did 
not overlook the fact that in the loo years of French contact pre- 
ceding his own observation there was plenty of time for the French 
to have taught the art to the Indian. His statement of its aboriginal 
origin would seem to be entitled, therefore, to considerable weight. 
A reproduction is here given of Lafitau's curious illustration of 
the Indian method of tapping the maple trees, collecting the sap, 
and boiling it down. For the kettles employed in boiling the sap 
the Indians are evidently indebted to the French trader ; otherwise 
the process indicated appears to have been purely aboriginal. 




Indian sugar-making. Reproduced from Lafitau. 

Bossu, writing somewhat later, in 1756, is equally explicit as to 
the source of the art of sugar-making. He says (Travels through 
Louisiana, Vol. I, 188, 1771): "After the first ceremonies were 
over, they brought me a calabash full of the vegetable juice of the 
maple tree. The Indians extract it in January, making a hole at 
the bottom of it, and apply a little tube to that. At the first thaw 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OF MAPLB SUGAR. 345 

they get a little barrel full of this juice, which they boil to a syrup : 
and being boiled over again, it changes into a reddish sugar, look- 
ing like Calabrian manna. The apothecaries justly prefer it to the 
sugar which is made of sugar canes. The French who are settled 
at the Illinois have learnt from the Indians to make this syrupy which 
is an exceeding good remedy for colds, and rheumatisms." 

Keating (Exp. to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lond., 1825, 
Vol. I, p, 114) also offers some satisfactory testimony from the 
Indian's side of the question. The quotation, though evidently a 
paraphrase of the language used by the Indian, is given in full, as it 
contains the Indian's method of sugar-making : " We are informed, 
that they profess to have been well acquainted with the art of mak- 
ing maple sugar previous to their intercourse with white men. Our 
interpreter states that having once expressed his doubts on the 
subject in the presence of Jos6 Renard, a Kickapoo chief, the latter 
answered him immediately, with a smile, * * * « Wherefore 
should we not have known as well as they how to manufacture 
sugar ? He has made us all, that we should enjoy life. He has 
placed before us all the requisites for the support of existence — fire, 
trees, &c. Wherefore then should he have withheld from us the 
art of excavating the trees in order to make troughs of them, of 
placing the sap in these, of heating the stones and throwing them 
into the sap so as to cause it to boil, and by this means reducing it 
into sugar? ' " Keating adds : "In this reply of the Kickapoo we 
have a brief sketch of the rude process practised by the Indians in 
the preparation of the maple sugar. Previously to this they had 
learned the art of making and using pottery, but had abandoned it 
for the purpose, as Metea told us, of using wooden troughs, and hot 
stones ; perhaps because their pottery did not stand fire well. The 
evaporation resulting from the action of the hot stones produced a 
crystallization of sugar in the trough. Their process was a tedious 
and imperfect one, which probably required much time before it 
could be improved." * * * 

The Kickapoo themselves would thus seem to have believed that 
the art was wholly their own, or at least to have had no knowledge 
of its derivation from the European. 

Moreover, the aboriginal method here indicated seems of itself 
to offer excellent evidence that sugar-making was an aboriginal 
art. Had it been known to the Indians through European instruc- 
tion only, its manufacture would in all probability have been ac- 
44 



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346 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

companied by the utensils of civilization. The method of boiling 
described above, viz., boiling in bark or wooden vessels by means of 
heated stones, seems to have been the usual one among the Indians, 
at least in the regions remote from civilization. It was, of course, at 
once superseded by the use of metal kettles where these could be 
obtained, since boiling the sap by means of heated stones must 
have been tedious and wasteful, and, as Keating remarks, the 
earthen vessels manufactured by the Indians were hardly capable of 
standing the necessary great and long-continued heat. 

Allusions to the manufacture of sugar by the Indians are not un- 
common in early colonial times, but most authors appear to have 
taken it for granted that it was an Indian art, and so have passed it 
by with a word. Col. Smith, in Drake's Ind. Captivity, 1850, al- 
ludes to it several times, and on page 197 gives the following inter- 
esting account of its manufacture and use by the Caughnawaga on the 
S. E. shore of Lake Erie : "In this month [February] we began to 
make sugar. As some of the elm bark will strip at this season, the 
squaws, after finding a tree that would do, cut it down, and with a 
crooked stick, broad and sharp at the end, took the bark off the tree 
and of this bark made vessels in a curious manner that would hold 
about two gallons each. They, made above one hundred of these 
kind of vessels. In the sugar tree they cut a notch, sloping down, 
and at the end of the notch stuck in a tomahawk ; in the place 
where they stuck the tomahawk they drove a long chip, in order to 
carry the water out from the tree, and under this they set their 
vessels to receive it. As sugar trees were plenty and large here, 
they seldom or never notched a tree that was not two or three feet 
or over. They also made bark vessels for carrying the water that 
would hold about four gallons each. They had two brass kettles 
that held about fifteen gallons each and other smaller kettles in 
which they boiled the water. But as they could not at times boil 
away the water as fast as it was collected they made vessels of bark 
that would hold about one hundred gallons each for retaining the 
water, and, though the ^ugar trees did not run every day, they had 
always a sufficient quantity of water to keep them boiling during the 
whole sugar season. 

** The way we commonly used our sugar while encamped was by 
putting it in bear's fat until the fat was almost as sweet as the sugar 
itself, and in this we dipped our roasted venison." On p. 215 he 
adds one detail in respect to its manufacture which seems to me to 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OF MAPLE SUGAR. 347 

be peculiarly primitive. **We had no large kettles with us this 
year, and they made the frost, in some measure, supply the place of 
fire in making sugar. Their large bark vessels for holding the stock 
water they made broad, and shallow, and as the weather is very 
cold, here it frequently freezes at night in sugar time, and the ice 
they break and cast out of the vessels. I asked them if they were 
not throwing away the sugar. They said no ; it was water they 
were casting away. Sugar did not freeze and there was scarcely any 
in that ice.*' 

The same method, however, seems to have been well known to 
the whites of later times, who employed it with success, and also 
the method by evaporation without the use of heat. (See Rush in 
Trans. Am. Phil. Soc, 69, 1793.) 

In League of the Iroquois, p. 369, Morgan speaks of sugar-making 
and states : '* Whether they learned the art from us or we received 
it from them is uncertain. One evidence, at least, of its antiquity 
among them is to be found in one of their ancient religious festivals, 
instituted to the maple and called the Maple Dance. * * The evidence 
here adduced in favor of its antiquity seems important, since it is 
not to be supposed thkt a festival would have been originated in • 
honor of the maple unless the art of extracting its most important 
product had long been known. As will be noticed, the Ojibwa 
also had a maple-sugar festival, as probably also other tribes who 
manufactured it, and it is scarcely to be doubted that such tribes 
had also myths accounting for the origin of the maple tree and 
explaining the mythic means by which they became possessed of a 
knowledge of the properties of its sap and of the manufactxure of the 
latter into sugar. 

Maple sugar was, in truth, more than a mere luxury to the northern 
tribes, and Heny, in his Travels, 1 760-1 776 (p. 70, 1809), states: 
*' Though, as I have said, we hunted and fished, yet sugar was our 
principal food during the whole .month of April. I have. known 
Indians [Ojibwa] to live wholly upon the same and become fat." 
Rush states that the Indians " mix a certain quantity of maple 
sugar with an equal quantity of corn dried and powdered in its milky 
state. This mixture is packed i» little baskets, which are frequently 
wetted in travelling without injuring the sugar. A few spoonfuls 
of it mixed with half a pint of spring water afford them a pleasant 
and strengthening meal.** (Trans. Am. Philos. Soc, 74, 1793.) 



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348 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Maple sugar was, in fact, part of the annual supply of food, and 
the maple groves were regularly resorted to for its manufacture. 

Though the above evidence, so far as it goes, seems to decidedly 
favor an aboriginal origin for maple-sugar-making, it appears to me 
of less consequence than certain linguistic testimony which may be 
cited. But first a word as to the range of the sugar-producing 
maples. 

The sugar maple {Acer saccharinum\ though flourishing best in 
a northern climate, yet possesses an extensive range in the United 
States, extending south along the Alleghanies to northern Alabama 
and west Florida, west to Minnesota, Nebraska, eastern Kansas, 
where rare, and eastern Texas. (For range of this and other species 
see Sargent, Vol. I, Tenth Census, 1884.) There are two other 
trees from which sugar is occasionally made, viz., the Silver Maple 
{A. dasycarpum) and the Box Elder (JN'egundo aceroides), I doubt 
not that the latter trees were tapped by the Indians for sugar, but I 
am unable to say positively that such was the case. If the range of 
the two latter species be taken into consideration, it is evident that 
one or more of the sugar-producing trees must have been known to 
. all the tribes north of the Gulf States and as far west as the plains, 
and even in the Rocky Mountains. The manufacture of maple 
sugar, however, appears to have been chiefly limited to the northern 
tribes, especially to those of New England and the region of the 
Great Lakes, though the Indian languages quoted below show that 
the knowledge of the sap-producing properties of the tree, if not 
the knowledge of maple sugar, was by no means conflned to these 
sections. 

Certain it is that a knowledge of the sap-producing properties of 
the tree could not long have preceded the knowledge of maple sugar. 
The sap would naturally first be used as a beverage ; but the discov- 
ery of the art of boiling it down could not have long been delayed, 
though the freezing process may have been first in order of time. 

When European novelties were introduced among the Indians 
there were two methods of naming them. Frequently, as in the 
case of sugar below cited, they did their best to adopt the foreign 
name. This was particularly true in California, where Spanish names 
for almost every European introduction were incorporated into the 
native tongues. Tonty (1688) tells us that the Cadodaquis on Red 
River of Louisiana called the horse "cavali,'' Spanish caballo. 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OP MAPLE SUGAR. 349 

Many tribes, however, applied names of their own coining, de- 
riving them from the names of objects most nearly resembling the 
object to be named. A familiar example is offered by the Dakota 
name for horse. As the only animal domesticated among the Indians 
was the dog, the San tee and Yankton name for which is Shunka, 
the horse was called by the Santee, Shunk-tanka, big dog ; Yankton, 
Shunka wakan, mysterious dog. 

Again, the Cheroki, as Mr. Mooney informs me, before they met 
the European, extracted their only saccharine from the pod of the 
honey locust, using the powdered pods to sweeten parched corn and 
to make a sweet drink. Their name for Honey Locust was Kuls^tsi, 
which name they applied also to the sugar of civilization. 

Bearing the above facts in mind, it is a fair inference that if in- 
vestigation shows that the Indian name for European sugar is the 
same as, or a derivative from, the name for maple sugar, and espe- 
cially if the name of the latter be derived from the name of maple 
tree, we can hardly expect to find better evidence of the fact that 
maple sugar was a truly aboriginal production. 

Frequent allusion is made in Tanner's Captivity to the manufacture 
of sugar by the Ojibwa, and on p. 294 (James Ed., N. Y., 1830) 
the Ojibwa term for Sugar Maple is given as Nin-au-tik, which is 
rendered **our own tree.*' The compound may possibly be from 
mi tig, tree, and nin, our. (See Baraga Otchipwe Grammar.) It is, 
however, probable that Tanner's etymology is faulty and that the 
true derivation is given below. The River Maple is called She- 
she-gum-maw-wis, which is interpreted **sap flows fast.*' This ety- 
mology is also significant, since it clearly implies the ancient deri- 
vation of the tree's name from its sap. It is probable that the 
Indian's knowledge of the flow of the sap was had by the practice 
of tapping the trees for the purpose of sugar-making. 

The Menomini name for the sugar moon, probably March, is given 
(p. 321) as Sho-bo-maw-kun ka-zho. It is very unlikely that the 
Indians would give a name to the sugar month unless sugar-making 
was of respectable antiquity among them, and was, moreover, abo- 
riginal. 

A letter from Mr. Beaulieu at White Earth, Minnesota, in response 
to a letter of inquiry, contains interesting and valuable information 
in regard to sugar-making among the Ojibwa, and I therefore take 
the liberty of quoting parts of it. He gives the Ojibwa word for 
maple sugar as Zeence-zee-bah-quod, pronounced sen-se-pah-qwot. 



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350 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOrX)GIST. [Vol. III. 

(Compare this with the Cree term below.) Derivation 2^ence-zee, 
squeezed or drawn from ; bah-quod, stick or wood. Hence the 
meaning, drawn from wood, or squeezed from wood or stick, which 
applies to the sap and the manner in which it is drawn from the tree 
by tapping in the spring. 

Weesh-ko-bun is another term often used by the Indians, and more 
properly applies to the saccharine quality of sugar than the former 
word, as it refers to something palatable and grateful to the sense of 
taste. 

Enin-ah-tig weesh-ko-bun is also employed. Enin, man ; ah-tig> 
wood or stick ; weesh-ko-tun, sugar. Hence, man stick sugar. This 
etymology contains a metaphorical reference to the manner the sap 
flows from the tree, as curious as it is suggestive. Doctor Hoffinan 
informs me that this name particularly applies to sugar derived from 
the Acer nigrum^ now considered as a variety oi A, sac char inum, as 
the Indians say that the flow of sap from this tree is more plentiful 
than from any other. 

Mr. Beaulieu states that the Ojibwa have a myth or deity con- 
nected with sugar. He also gives Zeence-zee-bah-quod-o-kay-ge- 
zis as the name for the sugar moon — March and April — adding that 
these are sometimes called Pay-bok-quay-dah-ge-mid, breaking snow 
shoe month. 

He presents the following interesting facts with reference to the 
Ojibwa maple-sugar festival : "It has been and is yet with many 
the custom to join in a feast or sugar festival in the spring — that is, 
when the first sugar is made. The sugar-makers are invited to a 
lodge prepared for the occasion by the medicine man, who, when 
all have assembled, takes a small portion of the old sugar of the 
season before and the new sugar, mingles it together, at the same 
time muttering a prayer of thanks, and then hands a little to all who 
are present. Then he proceeds to thank, in a loud voice, the Great 
Spirit or Giver-of-Life for his good-will and invokes his aid and 
kindness to grant the a-nish-in-ah-bag (inferior braves or beings) a 
good and bountiful sugar harvest, etc. After this all are invited to 
partake of the feast prepared for the occasion, consisting, generally, 
of wild rice and game, etc., etc." 

Lacombe, in Dictionnaire de la Langues des Cris (p. 254), gives 
the Cree name for sugar as Sisibaskwat, which is clearly a derivation 
from Sisibaskwatattik, maple tree (p. 135). It is important to 
notice that the Cree distinguished their own sugar from the white 



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Oct. 1890.] INDIAN ORIGIN OF MAPLE SUGAR. 351 

sugar of the European, calling the latter Sokaw (p. 254), which is 
evidently an attempt to pronounce the French or English word. 

Mr. Hewitt informs me that the Tuscarora word for sugar is 
U-rS"'-na'-krr, which signifies tree sap. It would thus seem that 
even in this tribe, which lived comparatively far south, the knowl- 
edge of the product of the maple tree must have antedated the 
knowledge of European sugar, though the North Carolina home of 
the tribe could scarcely have furnished the means for extracting the 
•sap, at least, in any quantity. 

Making due allowance for consonantal changes, the Oneida seem 
to have the same word for sugar-^O-lofi-da'-ke-li*. 

Mr. Dorsey gives the Omaha and Ponka word for sugar as Ja"-ni, 
Ja" being wood or tree ; ni, water or sap ; thus, tree sap. The word 
for sugar maple is Ja"-nihi, hi being tree or stock. The Kansa word 
also is Ja"-ni ; the Osage, Ca"-ni ; the Iowa, Na"ni, all apparently 
having the same etymology. 

The Winnebago word differs somewhat, being Ta'niju'-rd, niju 
being water or rain. Hence the etymology would seem to be wood 
water or rain, the word apparently suggesting the idea of the rapid 
flow of the sap. 

It would not be difficult, I believe, to bring forward much more 
linguistic evidence tending to show that the Indian names for sugar 
and maple sugar were usually the same, and that the terms for • the 
latter were aboriginal, date from a remote antiquity, and were con- 
nected with the trees which produce their only saccharine. The 
evidence here advanced, however, seems to be sufficient. At all 
events, it appears to offer at least presumptive proof that the Indians 
were in nowise indebted to the European for their knowledge of 
maple sugar. Like the cultivation of the maize, the tobacco, the 
pumpkin, bean, and cotton alluded to above, the art of maple-sugar- 
making, simple as it was, was aboriginal, resulting from their own 
observation and inventive powers. 



JivAya StarinA (Surviving Antiquity), — In September-October 
of the current year the Ethnographic Section of the Imperial Rus- 
sian Geographical Society will publish the first number of a quarterly 
with the above title. It will be devoted to the whole Slav race, 
wherever resident, and to the various ethnic stocks within the Rus- 
sian Empire. 



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352 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

A Fetish-town in Togoland. — '* The great fetish-town, Dipongo, 
consists of nine huts, grouped in a circle round an india-rubber tree, 
and of these seven are occupied only by the wives and children of 
Jaopura. The fetish-hut shelters Jaopura's insignia as king and 
highest fetish priest of Adeli. Several gigantic parasols of native 
workmanship, covered with bright-colored European calico; a great, 
wonderfully carved Ashantee stool (the natives say Assanti) with 
bells, which he sends on ahead to every great assembly as a sign 
that he is going to appear in person ; a remarkably wrought leather 
girdle, with iron bells sewed on in front, which none but Jaopura 
may wear; a barrel -shaped drum covered with leopard skin, which, 
unlike the other drums, is not beaten but stroked with the drum- 
stick, which produces a peculiarly rattling noise, and various other 
fetish and royal insignia dangle, covered with dust, from the walls 
and roof or stand sprinkled with blood upon the floor. 

"Between his two huts a broad path, the beginning of which is 
marked by two sacred tree trunks lying obliquely across it, leads to 
the great fetish in the wood, which I was not allowed to approach. 
Here are held the great fetish festivals, while the ordinary ceremo- 
nies — in which the killing of chickens, from the nature of whose 
death struggles a favorable or unfavorable answer is given to the 
questioner, plays the chief part — ^are carried on in the village itself." 
(Lieutenant Kling, commander of the Bismarckburg station, Togo- 
land, in ** Mittheilungen . . . aus den Deutschen Schutzgeb- 
ieten, v. 3, No. 3, Berlin, 1890.) 



Secret Societies among the Coast Indians of British Co- 
lumbia AND Alaska. — ^The well-known Norwegian traveller, J. A. 
Jacobsen, is beginning to publish the ethnographical results of his 
travels in northwestern America, in ** Das Ausland.'* The first 
article appeared in Nos. 14 and 15 of the current volume (pp. 267- 
9, 290-3), and treats of secret societies on the northwest coast 
('* Geheimbunde der Kustenbewohner Nordamerikas.*') 

Captain Jacobsen describes four of these secret orders, namely : 

1. The Hametzor ''biters," with three classes, the biters of men, 
the corpse devourers, and the dog biters. 

2. The Pak-halla or Pak-kwalla, "medicine men.*' 

3. The Hatz-kwalla or self-torturers, peculiar to the Kwakiutl. 

4. The Nuttle-mattla, who perform all sorts of buffoonery under 
the possession of the spirits. 



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Oct. 1890.] 



GAMES OF "ha" AND "PROPS. 



353 



ON THE NI8HINAM GAME OF « HA " 
GAME OF '< PROPS. 



AND THE BOSTON 



BY ROBERT E. C. STEARNS. 

Stephen Powers,* in his description of the games of the Nishinam 
Indians of interior California, says: **The ha is a game of dice, 
played by men or women, two, three, or four together. The 
dice, four in number, consist of two acorns split lengthwise into 
halves, with the outside scraped and painted red or black. They 
are shaken in the hands and thrown into a wide, flat basket, 
woven in ornamental patterns, sometimes worth ^25. One paint 
and three whites, or vice versa, score nothing ; two of each, score 
one ; four alike, score four. The thrower keeps on throwing until 
he makes a blank throw, when another takes the dice. When all 
the players have stood their turn, the one who has scored most takes 
the stakes, which in this game are generally small, say a '*bit.*' 
As the Indians say, ** This is a quick game, and with good luck one 
can very soon break another. ' ' 




Fifty years ago a similar game was played by boys in Boston with 
dice made of the money-cowry, Cyprcea moneta. The shells to the 

♦Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. Ill, p. 332, 1877. U. S. Geog. and 
Geol. Survey, &c. 

45 



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354 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. HI. 

number of four were selected as nearly as possible of the same size, 
and the backs ground down so as to expose the interior. The cavity 
thus made was filled with red sealing-wax. The game was known 
as ^*props^^ and the count was the same as in the Nishinam game 
with acorns, as described by Powers. The shells as prepared, or 
"props,** were shaken in the hand and dropped or cast from the 
hand with a somewhat twisted motion of the wrist, so as to scatter 
them a little. When thrown, if the props turned up two sides one 
way and two the other, or two and two, the count was one — this was 
called a nick; if all four came the same side up, the count yfzsfour, 
and was called a ^^ browner ;^^ if the shells or props fell three one 
side and one the other, it was called an ^^ out,^^ and the props were 
passed to the next player. The props continued with the same 
player until he made an out^ and the number to make a game was 
agreed upon, before the playing commenced. 




Occasionally, when the playing or throwing was on the ground, a 
shell would stand or lodge on one edge; this was called a ** cock,'^ 
and the player was allowed to keep on, the " cock '* not counting 
one way or the other, to his advantage or detriment. 

The game oi props was played by boys for marbles ; subsequently 
it became an out-and-out gambling game and was played by men 
for money. 

Cheating in this simple game was made possible and was prac- 
ticed by filling the cavity, first with a portion of sealing-wax, then 
with some lead, then finally with wax, which concealed the lead. 
With these so-called loaded props the player could make a winning 
throw nearly every time. 

Professional gamblers carried two sets of props the better to de- 
ceive their victims, and substituted a loaded set for a fair or not 
loaded set as opportunity permitted. Gambling by professionals 



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Oct. 1890.] GAMES OP "ha" AND " PROPS." 355 

with props became so common at one time that^the law inter- 
vened and the game and its implements were made unlawful and 
prohibited. 

When we consider the fact that the Nishinam game of *^ Aa" and 
the white man's game of props are one and the same, differing only 
in the character of the dice and in this respect only in the material 
or objects of which the dice were made, the question naturally 
arises whether the games so played had a common or separate 
origin. 

It will be noticed that the time referred to, of prop playing in 
Boston, was many years before the great migration to California, in 
1849, following the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill, by Marshall, 
in 1848. 

Returning to the questions, Did the pale faces of the Atlantic 
side learn the game from the red men of the west coast, or vice versa ? 
Did the little invention have a separate and independent birth in 
each of these widely remote regions ? 

The fact of commercial intercourse between the people or indi- 
viduals of these regions fifty years before the prop-playing date in 
Boston warrants the deduction that the knowledge of the game was 
borrowed of one party from the other, and also argues by implica- 
tion against the presumption of independent origin. 

On the fifth of June, 1791, we are told, the ship Columbia^ from 
Boston, Mass., Captain Robert Gray, arrived on the west coast at a 
place called Clyoquot, near the entrance to the Straits of Fuca, and 
traded up and down the coast during the following spring and sum- 
mer. It was while on one of these trading excursions to buy furs 
from the Indians that Captain Gray, on the 7th of March, 1792, dis- 
covered the Columbia river, which he named after his ship, the first 
that ever sailed up its stream. The report of this discovery and the 
valuable collection of furs Captain Gray carried to Boston created 
considerable excitement, and a number of expeditions were planned 
for making a settlement on the western coast. 

It would occupy too much time and space to recite in detail the 
various ventures, expeditions, and vessels which followed the lead 
of the Columbia in the fur, hide, and tallow trade from 1791 to 
1840, or to specify the various points touched at by the numerous 
vessels from Boston and vicinity during what may be called the first 
period or era of west-coast trade. In Dana's "Two years before 
the mast" we have an entertaining description of some of its 



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356 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

characteristics. Incidental to this early intercourse and traffic with 
the Indians, the pursuit of fur-bearing animals and the purchase of 
peltries led trappers and traders into the interior of California and 
the valleys of the Tulare, San Joaquin, and Sacramento, which in 
those days, as we are told, abounded with beaver, otter, and other 
animals. 

Without seeking further to inquire whether the game of ha was 
played by the Indians of other tribes than the Nishinams, as 
specially mentioned, which is not improbable, it will be perceived 
that there was direct contact between the white men of the east 
and the California Indians of interior localities within the general 
region inhabited by the Nishinams and geographically related tribes. 

The fur, hide, and tallow trade, in which Boston led the way, was 
largely controlled by its ships and ship-masters for many years, and 
this traffic was so generally identified with the vessels and men from 
that city that Americans, if not white men generally, were known 
as and were called ** Bostons '' by the Indians of the northwest — ^a 
name which is so applied to a limited extent along the coast even 
at the present day. 

It is presumable that the game of ha was peculiarly a game of 
the interior Indians, for we may assume, with some show of reason, 
that if known or played by the coast tribes the latter would have 
used some form of shell for dice instead of acorns^ and though not 
the shells of the money-cowry, which is an Indo-Pacific species, yet 
the always available "kol-kol" shells, Olivella biplicatay which were 
so extensively used for other purposes, could always be picked up 
on the beaches. 

If the Indian had learned the game of the white man, then the 
coast Indians would have been theyirj/ to have learned it, and we 
have nothing to show that the maritime or littoral tribes had any 
knowledge of it. 

The year 1791 was on the west coast made still further notable 
by the beginning of the sperm-whale fishery. In that year six ves- 
sels sailed from Nantucket and one from New Bedford, and this 
fishery and the incidental intercourse with fur traders and the " hide 
droghers,'* as the vessels engaged in the hide and tallow trade were 
called, continued for many years. 

The whaling vessels often remained one or two years on a cruise, 
and during this period were frequently obliged to put into some 
port or to touch at some of the islands for fresh meat, vegetables. 



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Ocl. 1890.] GAMES OP "ha" AND ** PROPS." 357 

water, and fuel. For many years after the sperm-whale fishery 
was at its height, Honolulu was the chief and general refitting 
and replenishing place ; other groups and islands in the Indo- 
Pacific waters were sometimes visited. At these places and on such 
occasions the sailors amused themselves by collecting on the beaches 
or among the reefs, or obtained from the natives for some trifle — a 
plug of tobacco, perhaps — sea shells, conchs, cowries, &c., and other 
so-called curiosities. New Bedford, Nantucket, Provincetown, etc., 
were the chief sources from which the older collections in the 
museums and private cabinets were supplied. My own cabinet, 
commenced at the age of seven years, contained many of the shells 
of the coast of California and from the Pacific islands that had 
been brought from these regions by the hide ships and whalers. 

Of the various shells inhabiting the Indo-Pacific islands, none are 
more common or abundant than the money-cowry, of which the 
props were made. 

We may assume that as acorns were not available at sea, unless a 
stock was obtained from the natives expressly for the purpose, that 
some substitute would be found and used, and that such substitute 
would be some natural form, easily manipulated and conveniently 
at hand ; and, further, that the more intelligent white man would 
improve upon the simple implements of the savage when he could 
do so with less trouble to himself than would result from exactly 
or specifically following the forms used by the Indians. The com- 
mon familiar money-cowry furnished a ready substitute for the 
acorn, and the red sealing-wax, then in common use, an available 
substitute for red paint. 

The foregoing, it will be seen, carries the implication that the 
whites learned the game of ha from the Indians. To sustain this 
view we may farther assume, and it seems to me reasonably so, that 
if the red man had learned the game from the white man the latter 
would not have been slow in playing it for all it might profit him 
in winning from the Indians anything the latter, might possess that 
was of any commercial value ; and we might expect to find some 
evidence of the white man's superior implements among the red 
man's possessions. 

It may be noted in passing, as a matter of peculiar interest if not 
of importance, that no instance of the occurrence of any form of 
Indo-Pacific shell has been detected among the Indians of the west 
coast, or among the trinkets, etc., in Indian graves. 



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358 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

It may be remarked tfiat the questions before presented are infer- 
entially answered by what immediately precedes this, to the effect 
that the pale faces or '* Bostons " learned the game of ha from the 
Indians of the west coast, and this also answers the question as to 
a separate and independent birth. 

Another point bearing upon the question in a general way is this : 
the game of props, so far as I can learn, was restricted to a very 
limited area, viz., Boston and vicinity and that region around the 
coast of Massachusetts which had the monopoly or control of the 
west-coast fur, hide, and tallow trade and the sperm-whale fishery 
of the North Pacific waters. 

In the solution of questions of this kind it would seem that an 
answer may sometimes be found by pursuing the same method that 
is found to be generally satisfactory in determining the relations or 
identity, say, of fluviatile molluskan forms ; the locality or habitat of 
the specimens in hand being known or having been ascertained, then 
to trace out and follow up the drainage system to which said local- 
ity or habitat belongs or in which it is situated. Now, between the 
Pacific coast and the Atlantic seaboard a continuous stream of inter- 
course was in operation and its movement continued for about fifty 
years and prior to the great migration of 1849 ^^^ 'S^' ^^^^ 
stream included a width extending from the Straits of de Fuca at 
the north and southerly to San Diego, a reach of over twelve hun- 
dred miles on the west coast, with tributaries or minor streams ex- 
tending into the interior, while its debouchment on the Atlantic 
side was confined to the limited region heretofore stated. 



Native Races of the Philippine Islands. — Prof. F. Blumen- 
tritt has recently published an annotated nominal list of the native 
tribes of the archipelago, with an excellent colored map showing 
their distribution. He recognizes but two distinct races on the 
islands, the Malay and the Negrito. 

Prof. Blumentritt states that in the extensive literature relating to 
the Philippine Islands there has heretofore appeared no comprehen- 
sive list of the races which populate the archipelago, owing to the 
fact that the attention of travellers and students has been chiefly 
devoted to the island of Luzon and the Visayas, to the neglect of 
Mindanao and Paragua. (**Las Razas indigenas de Filipinas," 
Boletin de laSociedad de Geografia de Madrid, v. 28, No. i, pp. 7- 
42, March, 1890.) 



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Oct. 1890.] ABORIGINAL PIRE-MAKING. 359 



ABORIGINAL FIRB-MAKINO. 

BY WALTER HOUGH. 

Twenty years ago Paul Broca remarked : " These three distinct 
things must not be confounded — the knowledge of fire, the means 
of utilizing it, and the means of procuring it.'* * This caution was 
addressed to students of primitive society, in reference to which 
theories have originated based on observed facts of development. 
The above order seems to be the logical one, but demonstration is 
possible only in the two latter stages. 

The first stage is theoretic only ; for no tribe has ever been found 
ignorant of the use of fire, and the Andamanese, who are in the stage 
of fire preservation, are the only people the writer has been able to 
discover unacquainted with some method of generating fire at will, f 

Numerous fire-origin myths have been collected from peoples of 
widely different culture. Nine-tenths of these myths relate that fire 
was brought down from above, or from a place where it was monop- 
olized by the cunning or theft of some man or zoomorphic hero. 
It is presumed that all fire-origin myths refer to the invention of 
some process to make fire easily. It is only necessary to mention 
the Prometheus myth as a type. 

Many myths afford clues to the earliest apparatus for fire-making. 
Prometheus brought fire from heaven in a hollow reed. The cog- 
nate Hindu myth is more explicit, relating that the carpenter ground 
out fire from wood, and gives details of the compound machine 
used, which latter is found in every Hindoo temple. Kuchiya- 
Tama drilled fire from wood in early Japan ; in China Suy-jin was 
the culture hero ; Genos of the Phenicians taught men to make fire 
by wood friction, and so on through the list. 

An addition to this body of evidence may be cited that carries 
the use of the simple drill farther back than probably any myth. Dr. 
Cyrus Adler, of Johns Hopkins University, has called my attention 
to the probability of the existence of the fire-drill among the non- 

♦Societe d'anthropologie, Bulletins, 2 s., V. I870, p. 76. 

f E. H. Man. The Andaman Islanders. Lond., 1883, p. 82. 



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360 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Semitic aborigines of Babylonia. Prof. A. H. Sayce in the Hibbert 
Lectures* states that fire was produced in Babylonia, as in other 
countries of the ancient world, by rubbing two sticks one against an- 
other. Dr. Adler is inclined to think that the matter can be more 
definitely stated. The Akkadean word for fire god is Gibil, com- 
pounded of ^*, which means reed, and bil, fire. This composition 
of the name points to the existence of a fire-making apparatus among 
the aborigines of southern Babylonia, of which the reed,^*, forms a 
part. This may have been used as a part of an upright drill like 
the Piute specimens collected by Major Powell, or after the manner 
of the Malays, by sawing one piece across another. 

The following is a classification of the chief methods of fire-making 
by friction based upon the presumed order of development : 

Simple two-stick apparatus, 
Indians of North, Central, and South 
America; Ainos, Japan; Somalis, Africa ; 
most Australians, &c. The most wide- 
spread method. 



I. On wood (reciprocating 
motion) by — 



2. Four-part apparatus: mouth drills and two- 

hand drill. Eskimo, some Indians, Hin- 
doos, and Dyaks. 

3. Compound^ weighted drill. 

Iroquois and Chukchis. 



II. On wood (sawing motion) \ Malays and Burmese. 
"'■ '"rng'l^^tiSl.r"'"'""- } P<»y--'= ~- Australians. 



IV. Of minerals. (Percussion) 



1 . With pyrites (or stone containing iron ) and 
flint. Eskimo and Indians of the North 

(Algonkian and Athapascan stocks). 

2. Flint and steel. Modem and disused 

methods and appliances. 



Besides the lens, mirror, and aerophore f there are pyrophores, 
the hydrogen lamp, matches, and various chemical and electrical 
methods that are beyond the scope of this paper. 

There is a prevalent belief that to make fire by friction of two 
sticks is very difficult. Such is not the case. The writer can make 
fue in 10 seconds with the twirling-sticks and in five seconds with 

* Origin and growth of Religion as illustrated by the Religion of the Ancient 
Babylonians, London, p. 180. 
f American Anthropologist, i, 1888, p. 294. 



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Oct. 1890.] ABORIGINAL FIRE-MAKING. 361 

the bow-drill. Captain John G. Bourke, U. S. A., furnishes cor- 
roborative testimony on this point* to the effect that the Apache 
can generate fire in less than 8 seconds. Most tribes make fire on 
wood in less than two minutes ; if a longer time is consumed, it is 
probable that the people under observation are not properly pre- 
pared, or are practicing a waning art. 

Generalizations with respect to fire-making have been made from 
the theoretical difficulties presented without recourse to a practical 
test. An experiment is a question put to nature, a fact which should 
not be forgotten by anthropologists as well as physicists. 

The origin of the culte de feu is based on these theoretical con- 
siderations. "The difficulty, the. impossibility almost, for certain 
tribes to produce fire for themselves makes it necessary to jealously 
preserve it ; there is then nothing astonishing in the fact that it was 
respected and adored ; and the appointment of Vestals charged with 
its preservation comes without doubt from the same idea.'* This is 
a late utterance by Sir John Lubbock.f It was adored, no doubt, 
as were other natural forces, because of its mysterious nature and 
origin. To its sacred and religious character, and not to the diffi- 
culty of procuring it, is due its preservation by special functiona- 
ries in a later stage of culture. The Vestals would have had no 
trouble to rekindle their fire. It was not their custom to moisten 
the sticks as does the Zufii priest, according to Mrs. Stevenson, be- 
fore making his sacred fire, possibly on the principle that what costs 
most is most valuable ; or, more probably, because sacred fire must 
not be procured by the common method. Neither Eskimo nor In- 
dian is careful to preserve fire, since a new spark can be obtained 
in half a minute. These tribes are far removed from primitive 
man, but it appears probable that when early man once learned the 
art he could obtain fire at will. 

The retention of the wooden apparatus for so long a time among 
the different peoples is an interesting fact. In the case ot many 
tribes familiar with quicker methods, this survival has doubtless re- 
sulted from religious influences. In several instances the green - 
corn dance, a cultus ceremony of our Indians, has brought the art 
down to our day, when otherwise it might have been lost. It is 
well known, too, that fire generated from wood is esteemed more 
efficacious by semi-cultured peoples. The reason for this belief 

* American Anthropologist, iii, 1890, p. 61. 

f A Conference upon the Savages. Toynbee Hall. London, 1887. 

46 



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862 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

may be found in the respect and reverence for old customs — ^ancient- 
ism. The art has also progressed and there have been improvements 
in the apparatus, selection of wood, tinder, etc. No doubt fire can 
now be made more easily and in a shorter time than formerly. 

Many travellers testify that they have observed various peoples 
make fire afresh \^y friction with sticks of wood. The most common 
way, by twirling one stick upon another, is well described by Pere 
Lafitau*: "The Hurons, the Iroquois, and the other peoples of North 
America do not make fire from the veins of flint, but rub two pieces 
of wood, one against the other. (Fig. i). They take two pieces of 




Fig. I. — Simple two-stick fire-making apparatus. 

cedar wood, dry and light ; they hold one piece firmly down with the 
knee, and in a cavity which they have made with a beaver tooth or 
with the point of a knife on the edge of one of these pieces of 
wood, which is flat and a little larger, they insert the other piece, 
which is round and pointed, and turn and press down with so much 
rapidity and violence that the material of the wood, agitated with 
vehemence, falls off in a rain of fire by means of a crack or little 
canal which leads from the cavity over a match (of frayed cedar 
bark). This match receives the sparks which fall and preserves them 
for a long time and from which they can make a large fire by touch- 
ing it to other dry materials." 
Even the best descriptions, however, omit details essential to the 

* Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, ^7^t vol. ii, p. 242-3. 



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Oct. 1890.] 



ABORIGINAL FIRE-MAKING. 



363 



success of the process. Few note, for instance, the great knack in 
twirling the stick. It is held between the palms of the outstretched 
hands, which are drawn backward and forward past each other al- 
most to the finger tips, giving the drill motion, and at the same time 
a strong downward pressure is given. The hands, of necessity, 
move down the spindle ; when they nearly reach the lower end they 
are quickly shifted to the top without moving the drill from the 
hole, and rotation is repeated as rapidly as possible. Very shortly 
a light-colored wood powder is ground off by the point of the drill 
and collects in the slot, Lafitau's canal. Soon the powder increases 
in quantity and begins to get darker ; the smell of burnt wood is 




F16. 2.— Eskimo two-handed fire drill. 

speedily noticed and then smoke is seen. Probably when the next 
motion ceases there will be a little curl of peculiarly colored smoke, 
which shows that active combustion has begun. The mass of wood 
powder may now be shaken out of the canal. 

At first it looks dead were it not for the thin line of vapor that 
comes from it. Gradually the fire spreads through it until it glows. 

This semi -carbonized dust seemingly acts as a muffle to retain the 
increment of friction-heat until it attains 450*^ or higher. The dust 
must remain in an undisturbed heap ; it is impossible to make fire 
without observing this caution. 

In the case of the Eskimo compound drill the actual operation is 
similar to that in the simple drill described ; the only difference is in 
the details of the mechanism which mark it as an improvement on 
the earlier form. (Fig. 2). 



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364 



THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



The Eskimo compound drill is of two varieties — one worked with 
a thong and hand-rest by tw€> persons (Fig 2), and the other worked 
by one man with the aid of a bow and mouthpiece (Fig. 3). The 
apparatus consists of four parts, viz: the lower piece or hearth, 




Fig. 3.--Eskimo mouth fire drill. 

which may have fire-cups on the sides with a canal opening upon a 
flat step, or the holes may be bored on a central groove ; the spin- 
dle ; the mouthpiece or hand-rest with a stone bearing ; and the 
cord which may be stretched on an ivory bow, or fitted with two 



• ^ 




Fig. 4. — Iroquois pump-drill for making fire. 

handles as the cord on the ancient Hindoo fire-drill. The bow and 
mouthpiece are not found south of Norton Sound, Alaska; the 
cord and hand-rest are exclusively used. At other points both 



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Oct. 1890.] 



ABORIGINAL FIRE-MAKING. 



365 



methods occur. The stepped variety of hearth also is found only in 
Southwestern Alaska, while the central holes on a groove are found 
from Labrador to Norton Sound, exclusively, and occurs, associated 
with the other, at the extreme southern range of the Eskimo. 

The pump-drill (Fig. 4) is one that was used in making new fire 
in the white dog feast of 1888 by the Onondagua Iroquois of 
Canada. They are usually made of elm wood, and often the 
spindle was hewn from part of a sapling with its tap root forming 
the lower part. A mass of wood was left for a weight. 

Mr. Wallace describes the sawing method thus : "A sharp-edged 
piece of bamboo is rubbed across the convex surface of another 
piece on which a small notch is first cut. The rubbing is slow at 
first and gradually quicker till it becomes very rapid, and the fine 
powder rubbed off ignites and falls through the hole which the rub- 
bing has cut in the bamboo.** * (Fig. 5). 




Fig. 5. — Fire saw. Section. 

Two varieties of sawing have lately come to the writer's notice, 
one of which has marked a new locality- in the distribution of this 
phase of fire-making. It has heretofore been observed at five points, 
viz: Among the Tungaras of British North Borneo (Daly), the 
Javanese (d*Almeida), the Karens and Chittagong Hill tribes of 
Burma (Dr. Luther and Mr. Lewis), the Malays of the islands 
(Wallace), and in Australia (Smyth). 

*The Malay Archipelago. New York (1869) Harper's, p. 332. 



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366 THB AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

It has lately been practiced at the village of Ubumkara in S. E. 
New Guinea. Mr. H. O. Forbes writes : " The operator first select- 
ing a dry fragment of wood makes in it a split in which he inserts 
a peg to keep it agape ; into this split he places a morsel of tinder 
plucked out of his girdle or skirt ; he next cuts from his dry coil 
of rattan a short length, lays it on a dry leaf on the ground and 
places over it the tinder plug in the cleft stick ; then placing his 
knee or foot on the end of the stick he pulls the rattan cord rapidly 
to and fro under it till the tinder ignites, when, by blowing gently 
through the cleft, he fans the spark into a flame. The whole opera- 
tion is the most effective and rapid of any native fire-producing 
contrivance that I know."* Mr. Forbes' account is perhaps the 
first that has ever been published. 

Mr. S. B. J. Skertchly describes another variant of the fire-sawing 
process in which the parts of the usual apparatus are reversed. The 
saw is set up on the ground and the convex side of a bamboo piece 
that bears a groove with a hole that communicates with the tinder 
placed on the upper concave side is slid rapidly along the edge of 
the saw. This is the common way among the Cagayu-sulu. The 
usual method, in which the sharp-edged saw is rubbed across a piece 
of bamboo, is practiced in Sulu, Perak, Selangore, and other places.f 

This gives a distribution throughout the East Indies, beginning at 
the Asiatic continent and finding its way into Australia probably by 
Cape York. It will doubtless be found in the Malay Peninsula, 
Sumatra, the Celebes, and perhaps to the north in the Philippines. 
The writer was informed in 1889 that the sawing method is practiced 
also in Siam. The method is called the Malay or sawing methodf 
and the type was founded on Wallace's description. It seems to be 
coincident with Malay influence. While there is little data to dis- 
prove this statement, it seems strange that the method was not 
carried further east by the Malayo-Polynesian wave of migration. 
The range of bamboo would seem to determine it, but both in 
Burma and Australia we find the parts of the apparatus cut out of 
wood. 

The Polynesian islands are characterized by the plowing method 
of making fire, a variety of which is found also in Australia. 

* Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc, XII, p. 562. 

t J. Anthrop. Inst. XIX, 4, May, 1890, p. 456. 

X Smithsonian Report, ii, 1888-9, p. 569. 



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Oct. 1890.] ABORIGINAL PIRE-MAKING. 367 

The plowing method (Fig. 6) as practiced in Samoa was described 
for the writer by Lieutenant W. I. Moore, U. S. N. The Samoans 
prepare a short cylindrical pointed stick and a larger billet of wood, 
on which a shallow groove is sometimes begun. The smaller stick 
is clasped between the hands at an angle of 45° and projected to and 
from the body along the groove in the lower piece on which the 
native kneels. At first he forces it along a range of 6 or 7 inches, 
tiH the wood begins to wear away and is pushed into a little heap at 
the end of the groove ; then he gradually accelerates and moves with 
a shorter range until, when he moves the stick with great rapidity, 
the brown dust ignites. 

The flint and pyrites strike-a-light is used somewhat as the flint 
and steel, with which process most persons are familiar. 




Fig. 6. — Samoan fire sticks. 

Examination of many specimens of wooden fire apparatus shows 
that both the drill or upright, movable piece and the hearth or 
or lower piece are made of dry, inflammable wood, and, contrary 
to the common belief, quite often of pieces from the same tree. 
Wood that is " punky " — that is, soft from dry rot or worm-eaten — 
is preferable. This is the kind of wood spoken of by Festus and 
used by the Vestals: "Mos erat tabulam felicis materiae tamdiu 
terebrare quousque exceptem ignem cribro aenis Virgo in aedem 
ferret." "It was the custom to bore into a plank of combustible 
wood upon which they had hitherto made fire, which a Vestal virgin 
received on a brazen sieve, which she carried immediately into the 
temple.*'* 

* Festus: Ignis vesta. 



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368 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

This kind of wood is not only easier of ignition, but it is ground 
off easily and more readily retains the heat generated by friction. 
In strong, skillful hands, however, fire can be made from wood that 
does not wholly meet these conditions, but there will be more fail- 
ures than successes. 

Woods vary widely in combustibility, depending perhaps on their 
density, coloring matter, or chemical constitution. For instance, it 
is practically impossible to make fire of black walnut ; while dty, 
soft white maple, not decayed, is good for the purpose when drilled 
with the bow. The vascular, starchy, flowering stems of plants have 
always been favorite fire-generating material. 

The Eskimo make use of nearly every kind of dry wood, be- 
cause the compound drill enables him to give strong pressure with high 
rate of speed, thus generating enough heat to ignite wood that is 
quite intractable by the simple two-part drill. This invention fol- 
lowed from the conditions of the Eskimo's frozen home, where drift- 
wood is his main dependence and choice is restricted. The Es- 
kimo, however, always selects the best wood at hand, thus showing 
that he appreciates the advantages of proper material. 

The flint and pyrites method is thought to compete with the twirl- 
ing sticks for priority of invention. The antiquity of the latter has 
been set forth. By one theory its distribution is interpreted to 
mean that it was the heritage of the human race before it separated 
into groups. By the other theory it was rediscovered many times — a 
natural sugges.tion, for the materials are always at hand. The flint 
and pyrites method seems to be indicated by the few lumps of 
pyrites found in prehistoric stations in England and on the conti- 
nent. However, it cannot be affirmed that the pyrites so found was 
used for fire-making. In this connection it would be of interest to 
know whether a piece of pyrites and scraper-like piece of flint have 
ever been found close together in conditions implying remote an- 
tiquity. 

The strongest argument against the use of the pyrites method in 
a very primitive state of society is that it presupposes the selection, 
preparation, and preservation of tinder. Wooden fire-sticks, on 
the other hand, form their own tinder. In the pyrites strike -a-light 
the sparks are struck ofl* at so low a heat that they will not inflame 
any except very '* quick*' tinder. With good tinder, however, the 
pyrites method is more expeditious, while the apparatus is more 
compact, and hence is an improvement following the line of elab- 
oration. 



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Oct. 1890.] ABORIGINAL FIRE-MAKING. 369 

Apparently preceding the flint and pyrites in the usage of several 
tribes is the method of striking two pieces of pyrites together, said 
to have been practiced by the Arctic Eskimo of a few localities. 

Another origin of fire-making has been discussed. It is stated 
by several writers that while working flint a spark may have fallen 
into dry material, and that in this manner early man received the 
suggestion of fire-making. But the sparks produced by knocking 
two pieces of flint together will not, to the best of my knowledge 
from experiment, inflame tinder. 

In view of the foregoing facts, it may be said with regard to the 
probable origin of fire-making: i. That the selection of two sticks 
of wood for fire-making is more probable and natural than the use 
of iron-stone and flint. 2, That fire-making by means of sticks is 
easy, and hence probably came first in order of time. 3. That the 
pyrites method is more complex, and hence by the laws of inven- 
tion comes later. It is unnatural that an expeditious mode of kin- 
dling fire afresh by flint and pyrites should have been supplanted 
by a less facile method. Inventions do not retrograde. Numerous 
cases may be cited where flint and steel have superseded the fire- 
sticks, but none show the opposite order of procedure. Dr. Tylor 
concludes: '*To sum up now in a few words the history of the 
art of making fire, it appears that the common notion that the fric- 
tion of two pieces of wood was the original method used has strong 
and wide-lying evidence in its favor, and that very little can be 
alleged against it.*' * 

Apparently the Polynesian plowing method and the sawing 
method illustrate the most simple forms of friction apparatus. A 
plausable supposition bearing on this plan is that man got the hint 
from nature by observing the rubbing of two dry branches in high 
winds. The Polynesian method has the following in its favor : 
With one stick a furrow can be plowed on another without the in- 
tervention of a knife or other tool to cut a groove or a hole in 
which to start a drill, and hence it may have been invented during 
the earliest times. Its very simplicity renders the tool more diffi- 
cult to work ; for, in a wind, fire-making would be almost impossi- 
ble. Again, when the dust collects at the end of the groove, the 
violent movements at the last moment are liable to scatter it. In 
the case of the rotary drill this is not so, the ground-off* dust being 
kept in the canal. In the sawing plan, the preparation of the 

* Early History of Mankind, p. 260. 
.47 



\^ ... " : t h 



370 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

knife, cutting the groove, placing the tinder underneath for draft, 
imply a more highly differentiated invention. 

The rotary drill is the simplest aboriginal fire-making apparatus. 
Major Powell's three stages of culture may be defined by the kind 
of fire-apparatus used: i. Savages make fire with two pieces of 
wood ; 2. Barbarians with flint and steel or pyrites ; 3. Civilized 
man by chemistry. 

Since writing the foregoing the author has read Mr. Sidney B. J. 
Skertchly's paper on " Fire-making in North Borneo," in the May 
number of the Journal pf the Anthropological Institute of Great 
Britain and Ireland. 

In this communication the first confi)lete description of the best 
api or fire-syringe is given ; the names of the parts, the moulds used 
in casting the cylinder, the measurements, etc. 

All the natives of this part of Borneo use the well-known fire- 
drill. Mr. Skertchly has noted an essential point in the lower 
member of this appliance — the groove cut down the edge to collect 
the dust in which the fire rises.* Prof. A. C. Haddon, in the dis- 
cussion following this paper, pointed out that the slot cut in the drill 
hole was not made by the Torres Straits Islanders, nor by the natives 
of Queensland, and therefore is not essential. Professor Haddon is 
right, in a sense. Fire can be made on a plane surface^ without 
groove, but the difficulty is so great that it is almost prohibitive, and 
the slot is essential to quick and easy fire-making. 

The writer has made fire without the slot, but finds it necessary 
to employ the compound drill, and to keep the parts from binding 
or jarring. He has rarely seen pieces of fire-making apparatus 
without the slot, groove, or a substitute for it. One of these was a 
model of a Hindoo sacred fire-drill, sent from Oxford Museum to 
the United States National Museum by Mr. Henry Balfour. The 
Victoria drill figured in R. Brough Smyth's great work,t has fire- 
cups directly on the edge of a rounded piece, so that when the drill 
begins to cut the wood-meal falls down over the edge in a heap as 
in the slot. Often connecting holes perform this important office. 

A spindle of large diameter, with the outline of a low, flat arch 
(Tudor arch) at the abrading end, will not disturb the ring of dust 
that forms around its circumference (the difficulty with the unslotted 

*See Smithsonian Report, ii, 1888, p. 557. 
f The Aborigines of Victoria, i, p. 393. 



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Oct. 1890.] ABORIGINAL FIRE-MAKING. 371 

hole), and if the ignition point is reached before the spindle cuts 
very deep, the experiment will be successful. This sort of drill has 
to be worked by a cord or bow. 

Those who have previously written on this subject are to be par- 
doned, because they had no knowledge of the exigencies of the pro- 
cess and the minute particulars required. Drawings also were not 
accurate in the small points which were left to the artist. I have 
known professional draughtsmen to omit the slot from a drawing of 
a fire-drill. This has doubtless often led to misconceptions as to 
the position of the fire-hole. 

Mr. Skertchly carefully describes the sawing method and notes an 
interesting variation. 

Fire is sometimes made in Borneo by striking a bit of broken 
crockery on a bamboo, which requires great skill. 

A plate of excellent figures accompanies Mr. Skertchley's article, 
and his paper was illustrated by a series of photographs taken by 
Mrs. Skertchly, showing the methods of obtaining fire from the in- 
struments described. Several drawings of fire-syringes were also 
exhibited by members of the institute. In the discussion, the vet- 
eran Dr. Rae gave an account of Eskimo fire-producing, which ter- 
minated this extremely interesting seance. 

The above paper was read before the society January 4, 1890. 
In the course of his remarks Mr. Hough exhibited various primitive 
apparatus for fire-making which are contained in the National 
Museum collection and are illustrated above. From several of them 
he succeeded in creating a flame. 



Cannibalism in New Ireland. — Cannibalism is still generally 
practised and freely acknowledged by the natives of the island of 
New Ireland, now called New Mecklenburg by the Germans, who 
have established a ''protectorate*' over it. Strangers — that is, 
people from a different village or tribe — only are eaten, and each 
person who partakes of the feast has to pay a certain sum of shell 
money to the owner — that is, the man who killed the "game." 
(Count Joachim Pfeil, in Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fur Erd- 
kunde zu Berlin for March, 1890.) 



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372 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

Customs and Beliefs of the Tribes of South Africa. — A 
long and interesting general account of the ethnography of South 
Africa has recently appeared in the Revue ScienHfique ( ** Coutumes 
et croyances des tribus de TAfrique australe/* par J. Macdonald. 
Rev. Sci., V. 45, Nos. 21, 22, May, 1890, pp 642-8, 679-8?). 

This article, which appears to be a compilation, although the 
sources of information are seldom referred to, after giving a gen- 
eral sketch of the tribes dealt with, their names and social organi- 
zation, proceeds to describe them in detail under the following 
heads : Birth and posterity ; puberty, including the ceremonies of 
circumcision and initiation ; marriage ; sickness and death ; prop- 
erty and inheritance; fire-making; food; hunting and fishing; 
agriculture ; warfare ; religion ; oaths ; salutations ; arithmetic ; 
measure of time ; games and dances ; magic and divination, and 
rain-making. 



Bushman Art. — G. Weitzecker sends to the bulletin of the 
Italian Geographical Society copies of some interesting examples 
of Bushman rock-paintings recently discovered by himself in Basuto- 
land. These represent, first, a man milking, an eland grouped with 
four apes, two elands together (one of these is remarkably good), 
and a large group of eighteen figures representing a number of Bush- 
women, with their children, flying from a party of Matabele Kafirs. 
This picture is full of life, and, according to Mr. Weitzecker, illus- 
trates many important ethnographical details, which he describes 
fully in the text. (Bollettino della Societd Geografica Italiana, 
April, 1890.) 



"Exogamy** in New Britain. — The natives are divided into 
two marriage groups, called *' Maramara ** and ** Pikalaba.** Mar- 
riage of two persons within one of these groups appears to be 
punishable with death to the woman and a heavy fine to the man. 
A person of one group can thus only marry one of the other, and 
the children belong to the mother's group. 

Both groups show great reverence for an insect, a species of 
Mantis, and any one who should kill or injure one of ^hese would 
be severely punished. (Count Joachim Pfeil in Verhandlungen der 
Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin, March, 1890.) 



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Oct. 1890.] 



ANTHROPOLOGIC LITBBATUKE. 



373 



A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY 

OF 

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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



375 



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H. ) Stone monuments in Northwestern 
Iowa and Southwestern Minnesota. 
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1890, iii, 269- 
274.— Lombard. Description ethno- 
graphique sommaire de P Europe ; ques- 
tion aryenne. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. 
de Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 472-497.— 
Lombroso (C. ) Les progris ricents 
de I'anthropologie criminelle. Cen- 
tralbl. f. Nervenh. u. Psychiat., Cob- 
lenz & Leipz., 1890, n. F., i, 102-108. 
— Lombroflo (C.) et R. Laschi. 
II delitto politico e le nvoluzioni in 
rapporto alPantropoIogia ed al diritto 
criminale ed alia scienza di stato. 
Anomalo, Napoli, 1890, ii, 97-100. 
— -^— La pena nel delitto politico. 
Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 1890, 
xi, c 39-1 80. — Macdonald (J.) Cou- 
tumes et croyances des tribus de PAf- 
rique australe. Rev. scient.. Par., 1890, 
xlv,642; 679.— McOeerWJ). Some 
principles of evidence relating to the' 
antiquity of man. [Abstr.] Proc. Am. 
Ass. Adv. Sc, 1889, Salem, 1890, 
xxxviii, 333— Maggi (L.J Due fatli 
craniologici trovati in alcuni mammiferi. 
Boll, scient, Pavia, 1889, xi, 97-103. 
Makowsky (A.) Ueber die An- 
wesenheit des Menschen wfihrend der 
Ldssperiode in der Umgebung von 
Brtinn. Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, 1890, n. F., x [Sitzungsb., 
60-65].— Mallery (G.) Customs of 
courtesy. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1890, 

iii, 201-216. Israelite and 

Indian. A parallel in planes of culture. 
Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Sc., 1889, Salem, 

48 



1890, xxxviii, 287-331.— Manning 
(F. N.) Insanity in Australian aborigi- 
nes, with a brief analysis of thirty-two 
cases. Intercolon. M. Cong. Tr., Mel- 
bourne, 1889, "> 857-860. — Manou- 
vrier (L.) Note sur les effets d'une 
deformation artificielle du cr&ne chez 
un nouveau-n6 bolivien. Bull. Soc. 
d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 3. s., xii, 
567-572. — Maska. Ueber zweineue 
Jadeiifunde in Mfthren. Cor.-Bl. d. 
deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Mtln- 
chen, 1889, XX, 212-214. — Masks 
from New Guinea and the Bismarck 
Archipelago, by A. B. Meyer. [Rev.] 
Nature, L^nd., 1890, xlii, 268, — Mat- 
thews (W.) The Gentile system of 
the Navajo Indians. J. Am. Folk-lore, 
Boston, 1890, iii, 89-110. — Me lie (J. 
M.) The dawn of metallurgy. J. 
Trans. Victoria Inst, 1890, xxiii, 277- 
304. — Mies (J.) Ueber die Unter- 
schiede zwischen L&uge, Breite und 
Ulngen-Breiten-Indcx des Kopfes und 
Sch&dels. Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, 1890, n. F., x, 37-49. — 
Mitchell (W.) The logic of the ethics 
of evolution. Mind, Lond. & Edinb., 
1890, XV, 342-356. — Montgomery 
(H.) Aboriginal monuments of North 
Dakota. [Abstr.] Proc. Am. Ass. 
Adv. Sc, 1889, Salem, 1890, xxxviii, 
342-344. — Mooney (J.) Notes on 
the Cosumnes tribes of California. 
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1890, iii, 259- 
262. — de Mortillet (G.) Gisement 
pr^historique d^couvert par M. Ber- 
thier, k Saint-Aubin. Bull. Soc. d'an- 
throp de Par., 1890, 4. s., i, 147-152. 
— Muller (F. M.) Discoveries of the 
Veda by the Chinese, Persians, christ- 
ian missionaries and scholars. Open 
Court, Chicago, 1890-91, iv, 2307- 
2310. — Mtillner. Prfthistorische Ei- 
senfabrikaiion in Krain. Cor.-BI. d. 
deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Miin- 
chen, 1889, XX, 206-210.— Mordoch* 
(J.) The history of the •' thro wing- 
stick" which drifted from Alaska to 
Greenland. Am. Anthrop., Wash., 
1890, iii, 233-236.— Murphy (J. J.) 
The factors of evolution in language. 
J. Trans. Victoria Inst., 1890, xxiii, 
237-248.— He well (W. W.) Game 
of the Child-stealing Witch. J. Am. 
Folk-lore, Boston, 1890, iii, 139-148. 
— Nicolaccl (G.) L'origine dell'- 
uomo. Anomalo, Napoli, 1890, ii. 



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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



1 61-1 70.— Niemann (G.) Hissarlik- 
Ilion. Mitth. d. Anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien,.i890, n. F., x [Sitzungsb. 
1-5].— Osborn (H. F.) The paleon- 
tological evidence for the transmission 
of acquired characters. Rep. Brit. Ass. 
Adv. Sc, 1889, Lond., 1890, Jix, 621- 
623. ~ Ottolenghi (S.) Caratteri 
antropologici di 100 rei per rivolta. 
Arch, di psichiat, etc., Torino, 1890, 

xi, 204. Borsaiuelo tipo. Ibtd,^ 

202-204. L'olfatto ed il gusto 

nei criminali in rapporto ai normali. 
Anomalo, Napoli, 1890, ii, 1 38-142. — 
Palliard (J.) Zwei neuc Jadeitobjekte 
aus M9,hren. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. 
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., MQnchen, 1889. 
XX, 210-212. — Payne (F. F.) A few 
notes upon the Eskimo of Cape Prince 
of Wales, Hudson's Strait. Proc. Am. 
Ass. Adv. Sc, 1889, Salem, 1890, 
xxxviii, 358-360.— Peet (S.) The 
great serpent and other effigies. Am. 
Antiquarian, Mendon, 111., 1890, xii, 

211-228, 4 pi. The Snake 

Clan among the Dakotas. Ibid,, 237- 
242. — Penta. Lc degenerazioni crim- 
inali. Riv. d'ig. prat, e sper. , Napoli, 

1889, ii, 124; 137.— Popovsky (J.) 
Les muscles de la face chez un ndgre 
Achanti. Anthropologie, Par., 1890, 
i, 413-422. — Porak. Lc crftne de 
Nicolas Terry, si connu sous le nom de 
B^b^, nain du roi de Pologne. Bull. 
& m6m. Soc. obst. et gyn^c. de Par., 

1890, 77.— Poulton (E. B.) On the 
supposed transmission of acquired 
characters. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc. 

1889, Lond., 1890, lix, 620. — Primi- 
tive (A) surgical instrument. [For 
the **mika'* operation.] Brit. M. J., 
Lond., 1890, i, 1500. — de Quatre- 
fages. Les theories transformistes 
d'Owen et de Mivart. Rev. scient. 
Par., 1890, xlvi, 33-39.— Rabot (C.) 
De I'alimentation chez les Lapons. 
Anthropologie, Par., 1890, i, 187-200. 
V. Rau (L.) Mahewerkzeuge. Ver- 
handl. d. Berl. anthrop. C^sellsch., 

1890, Beri.,153-160.— Raux. L'en- 
fance coupable. [Extrait.] Arch, de 
Tanthrop. crim., Par., 1890, v, 221- 
258. — Reclus (E.) Some natives of 
Australasia. Pop. Sc. Month., N. Y., 
1 890-1, xxxvii, 607-617. — Reynier 
(J. B.) Causes de {'expression spiritu- 
eile et mordante de certains bossus. 
Gaz. m^d.-chir. de Toulouse, 1890, 



xxii, 155-157.— Richer (P.) Du rftle 
de la graisse dans la conformation ex- 
t^rieure du corps humain. N. iconog. 
de la Salp^tridre, Par., 1890, iii, 20- 

26. L'anatumie artistique; 

des proportions du corps humain. 
[R6sum6, par J.-M. Cymos.] J. d'hyg.. 
Par., 1890, XV, 301-306. — Rividre 
(fe.) Quatri^me promenade k la sec- 
tion d'anthropologie. Les hommes 
fossiles des grottes de Menton ; pro- 
c6d6s d'exploration des grottes, des 
cavernes, des dolmens ; relation d*ex- 
plorations r^centes. Bull. Soc. de m6d. 
prat, de Par., 1890, 814-852. — Rob- 
ertson (W. S.) A curious and im- 
portant discovery in Indiana. The 
chief of the Miamis. Mag. Am. Hist., 
N. Y., 1890, xxiv, 46-51. — Robin 
(P.) Observations sur 1' usage du corset. 
Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1889, 
3. s., xii, 551-553.— Roth (E.) Ueber 
den gegenw&rtigen St^nd der Frage der 
Vererbung erworbener Eigenschaften 
und Krankheiten. Wien. Klinik, 1890, 
xvi, 1 81-194. — Royer ^Mme. C16m- 
ence). Sur la phylog^nie; k propos 
d'un lizard bip^de. Bull. Soc. d'an- 
throp. de Par., 1890, 4. s., i, 156-206. 
Ryder (J. A.) The origin of sex 
through cumulative integration, and the 
relation of sexuality to the genesis of 
species. Proc. Am. Phil. Soc.,Phila., 
1890, xxviii, 109-159. — Santos 
Rocha (A.) Uma obra da arte primi- 
tiva. Rev. de sci. nat. e soc. da Socie- 
dade Carlos Ribeiro, Porto, 1890, i, 
145-151, I pi.— Scheuffgen (J.) 
Mammut und Mensch in Europa. 
Jahrb. d. Naturw., Freib. i. Br., 1890, 

451-454. Die Schadel der 

europ&ischen Menschenrassen. Ibid,, 
440-446.— Sch'warts (W.) Mytho- 
logisch-volksthiimliches aus Friedrichs- 
roda und Thtiringen. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. anthrop. Gesellsch., 1890, Berl., 
131-137. — Sergi (G.) Sopra un cranio 
deformato scoperto nel bolognese. 
Bull. d. r. Accad. med. diRoma, 1889- 
90, xi» 115. — Severo (R.) Primeros 
vestigios do periodo neolithico na Pro- 
vincia dd Angola. Rev. de sci. nat. e 
soc. da Sociedade Carlos Ribeiro, Porto, 
1890, i, 152-161, I pi. — Shore (T. 
W.) Characteristic survivals of the 
Celts in Hampshire. J. Anthrop. fnst., 
Lond., 1890-1, XX, 3-20. — Sibley 
(W. K.) Left-leggedness. Rep. Brit. 



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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE. 



379 



Ass. Adv. Sc, 1889, Lond., 1890, lix, 
776.— Some rville (A. A.) Experi- 
ments at Eton College on the degree of 
concordance between different examin- 
ers in assigning marks for physical qual- 
ifications. Ibid.y lix, 477. — Spenoer 
( H . ) Our space -consciousness ; a reply. 
Mind, Lond. & Edinb., 1890, xv,3Q5- 
324.— Spottl (S.j Resultate der Aus- 
grabungen fUr die Anthropologische 
Gesellschaft in NiederSsterreich und in 
Mahren im Jahre 1889. Mitth. d. an- 
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1890, n. F., 
X, 59-100. — Stanley (H. M.) Les 
pygmies de I'Afrique centrale. [Ex- 
trait] Nature, Par., 1889-90, xviii, 
pt.2,67-69.— SUnley(W. F.) Note 
on a new spirometer. J. Anthrop. Inst.. 
Lond., 1 890-1, XX, 28-30. — Steen- 
strup (J.) Die Mammuthj&ger-Station 
bei Predmost im dsterr. Kronlande 
I/iahren. Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, 1890, n. F.,x, 1-31. — StoUer 
(J. H.) Human heredity. Pop. Sc. 
Month., N. Y., 1890, xxxvii, 359-365. 
— Svoboda. Die Bewohner des 
Nicobaren-Archipels. Mitth. d. an- 
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1890, n. F., 
x [21-31].— Taylor (C. \A Further 
researches as to the origm of the Aryans. 
Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc, 1889, Lond., 
1890, 780-782. The ethno- 
logical significance of the beech. Ibid., 
782.— Thomas (C.) The c:herokees 
in pre-Columbian times. Science, N. 
Y., 1890, XV, 323 ; 330; 338; 365; 
372; 379.— Thompson (J. A.) The 
history and theory of heredity. Proc. 
Roy. Soc. Edinb. (1888-9), '890, xvi, 
91-116. — Tiflohler (O.) Ueber 
Sporen und nachrdmisches Email. 
(Zweiter Nachtrag.) Cor.-Bl. f. 
deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Miin- 
chen, 1890, xxi, 17-20. — von Torok 
(A.) Ueber eine neue Methode den 
Sattelwinkel zu messen. Zur Reform 
der wissenschaftlichen Kraniologie. 
Internat. Monatschr. f. Anatu. Physiol., 
Leipz., 1890, vii, 97 ; 148 ; 203 ; 224; 
3 pl.—Truhelka (C.) Das Grftber- 
feld von Glasinac in Bosnien und seine 
prS,historischen Befestigungen. Cor.- 
Bl. d. deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., 
MUnchen. 1889, xx, 191-193. — 
Tamer (Sir W.) On implements of 
stag's horn associated with whales' 
skeletons found in the Carse of Stirling. 
Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc. 1889, Lond., 



1890, lix, 789-791. - On hered- 

ity. /3»i/., 756-771. —XThle(M.) Das 
f^hringer Haus. Yerhandl. d. Berl. 
anthrop. Gesellsch., 1890, Berl., 62- 
75.~X7ndset (I.) Antike Wagen- 
Gebilde. Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berl., 
1890, xxii, 49-75.— Verneaa (R.) 
L'all^e couverte des Mureaux (Seine- 
et-Oise). Anthropologie, Par., 1890, 

i, 157-186. Crftnes tr6pan6s. 

Ibid.^ 182. — Virohow. Vorkommen 
und Form des s9.chsischen Hauses in 
Ost-und West-Holstein. Verhandl. d. 
Berl. anthrop. Gesellsch., 1890, Berl., 
75-82.. Ueberreste von Katzen 



aus Bubastis. Ibid,^ 1 18-126. 

Eine Excursion nach Lengyel (SUd- 
Ungam). Ibid.^ 97-1 18, 2 pi. — W. 
(A.; A supposed footprint in rock. 
Science, N. Y., 1890, xvi, 40. — Wake 
(C. S.) The Asiatic affinities of the 
Malay language. Proc. Am. Phil. Soc, 
Phila., i890,xxviii,8i-87. — WalUan 
(S. S.) The physiological, pathologi- 
cal and psychological bearings of sex. 
Tr. M. Soc, N. Y. [Phila.], 1890, 247- 
259. — Wankel. Die Mamuthlager- 
st&tte bei Predmost in M&hren. Cor.- 
Bl. d. deutsch. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., 
Milnchen, 1890, xxi, 33-36. — Ward 
( J. ) State of teeth in prehistoric skele- 
tons. Pharm. J. & Tr., Lond., 1889- 
90, 3. s., XX, 952.— Warner (A. G.) 
Concerning corporation law. Pop. Sc. 
Month., N. Y., 1890, xxxvii, 323-333. 
— Weisbaoh (A.) Der Maon- 
Schadel. Mitth. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. 
in Wien, i860, n. F., x, 32-37, I tab. 
— Weismann (A.) The musical 
sense in animals and men. Pop. Sc. 
Month.. N. Y., 1890, xxxvii, 352-358. 
— Westhoff (F.) Ueber die Verer- 
bung von Verletzungen bei Mensch und 
Tieren. Jahrb. d. Naturw., Freib. 1. 
Br., 1890, 309-311.— White (A. D.) 
The antiquity of man and prehistoric 
archseology. Pop. Sc Month., N.Y., 
1890, xxxvii, 289-302. — Wild (J. J.) 
Outlines of anthropology. Rep. Aus- 
tralas. Ass. Adv. Sc. 1888, Sydney 
[1889], i, 442-446.— Wilson (J.) 
Hypothesis of a European origin of 
early Egyptian art. Rep. Brit. Ass. 
Adv. Sc. 1889, Lond., 1890, 778. — 
V. Zmigrodski ( M. ) Zur Geschichte 
der Suastika. Archiv. f. Anthrop., 
Bmschwg., 1889-90, xix, 173-181, 
4 pi. 



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380 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 



BOOK NOTICB8. 

Mehmed's Brautfahrt {Smaiiagic Mehd) : Ein Volksepos der sud- 
slavischen Mohammedaner. Aufgezeichnet von Dr. Friedrich S, 
Krauss, Deutsch von Carl Grober. Wien, Alfred Holder ^ i8go, 
i6 mo., I JO. 

This is a German metrical translation by Captain Grober, an offi- 
cer in the Austrian army, of a epic poem of the Mohammedan Slavs 
of Herzegovina, taken down from oral recitation by Dr. Krauss, 
the distinguished South-slav specialist. Among the secluded valleys 
of the upper Balkan peninsula — as in the remote districts of Ireland 
and Scotland— there are still old men, the descendants of the bards 
and minnesingers of the middle ages, who keep alive the memory 
of thepast by the recital of long heroic poems which have been 
handed down traditionally through centuries. Among the Slavs 
these poems are all in a monotonous decasyllabic meter, without 
rhyme, and the singer accompanies himself on a sort of guitar 
{gt4sla)y whence the generic name Guslar songs (Guslarenlieder) 
applied to the compositions. They are frequently of great length — this 
particular one occupied six hours in the delivery — and end with a 
few comic verses having no connection with the subject of the poem 
itself and intended to put the hearers in a good humor. A wealth of 
such material exists in the peninsula. The old man from whom this 
was obtained claimed to know a hundred and fifty such poems. 

Unlike most of its class, the story is told from the standpoint of 
the proselyted Slavs, who appear to have become as intensely Mo- 
hammedan as any of their Moslem conquerors. By careful research 
the translator has ascertained that the poem has for its historic 
groundwork an engagement between the Turks and Christians which 
occurred in 1657, at no great distance from Budapest, the capital of 
Hungary, which at that time was all in the hands of the Turks. 
Briefly told, the story is as follows: Mehmed, a young officer, is on 
his way, accompanied by a single attendant, to receive his commis- 
sion from the Pasha of Budapest. They meet a party of soldiers in 
charge of a Mohammedan girl who has refused the hand of the 
Pasha, and is now by his orders to be sold as a slave to a general 



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Oct.. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 381 

of the hated Christians in Wallachia. Mehmed determines upon 
her rescue, and the two men fall upon the hundred soldiers and 
slaughter them in good old knightly style, secure the maiden, and 
return with her to her home in Budapest. She of course falls in 
love with her deliverer and agrees to marry him, when Mehmed 
compels the unwilling minion of the Pasha to draw up the marriage 
contract, and then sets out for the south to collect his friends to es- 
cort the bride in proper fashion to her new home. They return to 
the number of twelve thousand footmen and fifteen thousand 
mounted warriors and are received in Budapest with princely hos- 
pitality. The festivities last several days, when young Mehmed and 
his train start on the return home with his bride. In the meantime, 
however, the false Pasha has sent a letter to the Wallachian general 
advising him to assemble his forces and cut off the party. Mehmed 
advances to the bridge of the Klina, where he encounters the whole 
host of the Wallachians, who have already engaged his advance guard. 
A terrible battle ensues, lasting three days, with the result that the 
Christian army is cut to pieces and its general becomes a prisoner 
in the hands of his youthful rival. 

The story is well told and gives a vivid picture of a period in the 
long struggle between Turk and Christian, still going on in the same 
region, when every man's trade was war, and life was a carnival of 
blood, rapine, and drunkenness. 

James Mooney. 



" Essai (Tune classification des races humaines, basSe uniquement sur 
Us caracteres physiques. Par M, /, Dcniker.^* — [Bull, Soc, d' 
Anthrop, de Paris ^ xiiy iSSp, S20-jj6.'} 

The classification of mankind by race has not always proceeded 
upon the characteristics which truly constitute race. A familiar 
example is presented in the term Bantu for Africa and Algonkin for 
America. Every one knows that in the present state of ethnology 
these are linguistic words. Race, on the contrary, means blood. 
To our thinking, whenever and wherever a group of human beings 
have been isolated long enough to render a set of physical charac- 
ters peculiar to themselves fixed and hereditable, then and there you 
have a race of men. In the modem commingling of our species 
incident to commerce a pure race is no longer possible; but many 
believe that it was not always thus. Between the pristine group and 



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[Vol. III. 



the centripetal period of modern times there is believed to have been 
a long age in which centrifugal forces held sway, segregating men and 
fixing their characteristics. Furthermore, it is held by many, and 
among them by M. J. Deniker, that the modern period has not en- 
dured sufficiently long to obliterate the traces of these ancient pure 
races. Consequently, in the Bulletins de la Soci^t^ d' Anthro- 
pologic de Paris (xii, 1889, 320-336), he lays down a new classifi- 
cation of the races of men based solely on physical characteristics. 
There are thirteen of these races, as follows : 

I. Bushman (Koi-Koi). Woolly hair, yellow skin. 
II. Nigritic. Woolly hair, black skin. 
III. Melanesian. " " 



IV. Negrito. Frizzled hair, black skin, depressed nose. 
V. Australian. *' ** ** 

VI. Ethiopian. " ** " 

VII. Melanochroi. Wavy hair, skin brunette, hair black, eyes dark. 
VIII. Xanthochroi. Wavy hair, skin rosy, hair blonde, eyes light. 

IX. Uralo-Altaic. Straightish hair, skin white, lips thin, nose 

narrow. 
X. Aino. Straightish hair, skin white, lips thin, nose wide. 
XI. Indonesian. Straightish hair, skin yellow, lips fleshy. 

XII. Mongoloid. Straight, coarse, smooth hair, skin white-yellow. 
XIII. American. Straight, coarse, smooth hair, skin reddish-yellow. 

The physical characteristics of each of the thirteen races are 

given, and the modern types under each race shown : 

Types. 

I. Bushman. Yellow, short, steatopygeous . Bushman, 

II. Nigritic. Wide nose, straight or flat; lips 

projecting, forehead bulging, divided into : 

a. Dolichocephalic, flat nosed, prognathic, 

and salient nosed, tall and little prog- 
nathic 

b. Brachycephalic, short 

III. Melanesian. Nose turned up, large at the 

end, supraciliary arches prominent 

IV. Negrito. Brachycephalic, short, iiair meagre. 



Negro, 

Bantu, 
Akka,^ 

Melanesian, 
Negrito, 



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Oct. 1890.] BOOK NOTICES. 383 

Types. 
V. Australian. Dolichocephalic, short or me- 
dium stature, very hairy .... Australian. 
VI. Ethiopian. Skin very brown, nose salient. 

a. Tall, nose straight or aquiline . Bedja (Galla, 

Foulbe, Nubian)* 

b. Short or medium stature, nose retreating Dravida, 
VII. Melanochroi. 

Mesocephalic, straight nose, medium height. Indo-Atlantic 

or Aryan. 
Dolichocephalic, nose curved, pointed, aqui- 
line, occiput prominent .... Arab. 
Dolichocephalic, nose straight, narrow at 

the end Berber, 

Brachycephalic, flose hooked, narrow at the 

end, hair much frizzed and abundant . Assyrotd. 

Brachycephalic, nose straight, fine or at times 

retrousse ; short of stature . . . Rhetian or 

Celto-Ligurian, 
VIII. Xanthochroi. 

Dolichocephalic, tall, hairy . , Norse or Kymri, 
Brachycephalic, medium stature, little hair . Karelian, 

IX. Uralo-Altaic. 

a. Nose retrousse, hair blonde . . . Souomi. 

(W. Finns). 

b. Brachycephalic, brown hair . . . Lapp. 

c. Mesocephalic or dolichocephalic, nose 

straight, gross .... Ugrian (Ostiak- 

Samoydde). 

d. Brachycephalic, nose straight, gross, Turk (Turanian). 
X. AiNO. Wide nose, very hairy, dolichocephalic, Aino. 

XI. Indonesian. 

a. Hair quite wavy, skin olive brown . . Polynesian. 

b. Hair quite straight, skin yellow-brown . Malayo-Indo- 

nesian. 
XII. Mongoloid. 

a. Brachycephalic, nose narrow, fine face, 

round, medium height . . , Mongol. 

b. Brachycephalic, nose gross, face elon- 

gated, medium height . . . Tungus. 

c. Dolichocephalic, face round, short . . Eskimo. 



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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 



[Vol. III. 



Types. 



XIII. American. 



Brachycephalic 



Nose aquiline, tall or me- 
dium height . . Red Skin, 

Nose straight or curved a 

little, short of stature . Indians of the 

South, 

Nose straight or curved a 
little, tall . . . Patagonians, 
Dolichocephalic. Nose straight/ frequently 

retrousse, short . PaUo-Ameri- 

can (Fugian- 
Botocudo). 

M. Deniker has worked out the system with great elaborateness. 
It should be compared with those of Welcker, Friedrich MUller, 
Haeckel, Topinard, Flower, and especially with Keane's classifica- 
tions in Stanford's Compendium, Chambers* Cyclopaedia, and in 
his criticisms of ethnographic volumes in Nature, 

O. T. Mason. 



Collections of the Missouri Historical Society. — Among 
the many valuable collections of archaeologic material in this coun- 
try is that preserved in the Missouri Historical Society rooms at St. 
Louis. This series of objects is especially rich in implements of 
chipped stone, obtained mainly from the middle region of the Mis- 
sissippi, with St. Louis as a center. There are eight or ten thou- 
sand specimens of this class and these have been culled from at 
least ten times that number. They were brought together mainly 
through the efforts of Mr. O. W. Collett, the present custodian, 
whose appreciation of the requirements of science in such matters 
has given them exceptional value. Very many were collected by 
his own hands and nearly all are supplemented by records of local- 
ity and manner of occurrence. They are therefore not an assem- 
blage of strays, that serve only to perplex the student, but consti- 
tute a body of scientific material valuable now and available to 
future generations. 

Much of the value of this collection and of the success of the 
Society are due to the intelligent direction and generous assistance 
of Col. Geo. H. Leighton, president of the Society. 

W. H. Holmes. 



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Oct. 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 385 



NOTES AND NEWS. 

The American Association for the Advancement of Science. 
— The American Association for the Advancement of Science met 
in the city of Indianapolis, August 19-26. The meeting was well 
attended, although it was observed that the large cities of the west 
were numerically but meagerly represented. The hospitalities ex- 
tended by the city were most flattering and will long be remembered 
by the Association. The magnificent State-house was placed at 
its disposal and made a most satisfactory place of meeting. 

The officers of Section H, Anthropology, were Dr. Frank Baker 
of Washington, Vice-President ; Dr. Joseph Jastrow of Madison, 
Secretary ; Dr. Charles C. Abbott of Philadelphia, Councillor ; 
Prof. E. T. Cox of New York, Prof. O. T. Mason of Washington, 
and Mr. A. W. Butler of Brookville, Indiana, members of the 
Sectional Committee. The address of Dr. Frank Baker appears 
in this number of the Anthropologist. The papers read were as 
follows : 

Indian Origin of Maple Sugar. By H. W. Henshaw. 

Fort Ancient. By W. K. Moorehead. 

Aboriginal Stone Implements of the Potomac Valley. By W. 
H. Holmes. 

Suggestion for a Pan-American as Precursor to an Universal 
Language. By R. T. Colburn. 

Dialectic Studies in the Swedish Province of Dalecarlia. By J. 
Muller. 

Notice of a Singular Earth-work near Foster's, Little Miami Val- 
ley, Ohio. Py F. W. Putnam. 

Exhibition of Diagrams of the Brains and Medisected Heads of 
Man and a Chimpanzee. By Burt G. Wilder. 

Peculiar Effects of One-sided Occupations on the Anatomy and 
Physiology of Man. By J. Muller. 

Exhibition of a Bone Image from Livingston County, N. Y. By 
C. C. Abbott. 

Exhibition of Gold Beads of Indian Manufacture from Florida 
and New Jersey. By C. C. Abbott. 

A Study of Mental Statistics. By J. Jastrow. 

Arts of Modem Savages for Interpreting Archaeology. By. O. 
T. Mason. 

The Form of the External Ear. By H. D. Garrison. 

Preliminary Steps to an Archaeological Map of Franklin County, 
Indiana. By H. M. Stoops. 

49 



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386 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [Vol. III. 

The Relation of Mind to its Physical Basis. By Edward D. Cope. 

Remarks upon the Mounds of Sullivan County, Indiana. By J. 
W. Spencer. 

On the Atbatl or Spear-thrower of Ancient Mexico. By Zelia 
Nuttall. 

On an Ancient Hearth in the Little Miami Valley. By F. W. 
Putnam. 

The Evolution of a Sect. By Anita Newcomb McGee. 

On Obsidian Implements of California. By H. N. Rust. 

The Basket-mortar of Southern California. By H. N. Rust. 

The Adze. By H. N. Rust. 

Besides the Vice-President's address the chief papers may be thus 
characterized : Mr. Henshaw took the ground, from a large study 
of the literary resources, that the Indians originated the art of maple 
sugar making. Mr. Moorehead has most carefully examined the old 
Fort Ancient and written a volume about it. The communication 
was a resume of the work. Mr. Holmes gave an account of his 
explorations of aboriginal bowlder quarries and work shops in the 
District of Columbia. This is the best account of such work we 
have had. Mr. Putnam gave an elaborate account of his last year's 
work on the Little Miami and in central Ohio. The occurrence of 
burnt clay in large masses, and in many varieties, is one of the 
greatest enigmas Mr. Putnam has encountered in his exploration. 
Professor Jastrow's paper was based upon the results obtained from 
a large class of young men and young women who were asked to 
write out extempore one hundred words. These lists compared and 
collected form the basis of Dr. Jastrow's studies in six trains of 
thought — mental idiosyncrasies, &c. Professor Mason's paper 
called attention to the absolute necessity of studying modern sav- 
ages to get a proper conception of the data of archaeology. Dr. 
Cope's discussion was based on his well-known theory of conscious- 
ness in evolution. The organism, on this theory, is rather the ser- 
vant of the mental side of man than its creator and ruler. Fol- 
lowing up the studies of Professor Mason on the Eskimo throwing 
stick, Mrs. Nuttall, with great patience, has worked out the ancient 
Mexican spear-thrower seen so frequently in the Kingsborough and 
other codices. Mrs. McGee gave a detailed account of the origi- 
nation and history of one of the small religious communities or 
rather sects of our country. 

The next meeting of the Association, and consequently of the 
Section, will be held in Washington, but the time has not yet been 
fixed. O. T. Mason. 



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Oct. 1890.] NOTES AND NEWS. 387 

Oriental Customs of Courtesy. — ^In a valuable contribution 
to the July number of The American Anthropologist on "Cus- 
toms of Courtesy," Colonel Garrick Mallery made allusions to the 
customs of the Arabs and the Israelites. I venture to offer a few 
remarks on this subject. 

In ancient Israel the most common salutation was simply shalom^ 
a word usually translated 'peace,' but carrying with it the general 
idea of 'welfare.' (See II Kings IV, 23 and 26.) It has been 
suggested, and the suggestion has much in its favor, that the passage 
relating to Joseph's brothers (Genesis XXXVII, 4), 'they hated 
him and could not speak peaceably unto him,' means ' they would 
not salute him.' In Judges (XIX, 20) and I Chronicles (XII, 18) 
the same form is employed. In I Samuel (XXV, 6) we find the 
expression ' to inquire after the peace ' translated in the authorized 
version by ' to greet;' this is used when it is desired to indicate that 
the greeting was sent by a messenger or ambassador. The same 
phrase occurs frequently in the Assyrian inscriptions. A different 
form of salutation occurs in the book of Ruth (II, 4) where Boaz 
says to the workmen, 'The Lord be with you,' and they reply, 'The 
Lord bless thee,' (See also Psalm CXXIX, 7.) From a number of 
biblical passages we know that the salutation was accompanied by 
a profound obeisance. 

Among the modem Jews where a Hebrew salutation is used it is 
generally the same as that of the Arabs, ' Peace be with you.' In 
the Sephardic (Portuguese) congregations the ritual salutation is